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^ f*''- 




Jtrchsological ^ttrbep at 3Enl)m. 







Major-general A. CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., CLE., 



*' What ii aimed at is an accurate deecription, lllostrated by plana* meafwemeate, dimwiagt, or photogr^bt, 
and bj oopiet of Inscrlptlona, of toch remains as most desenre notice, with tfie history of them so fbr as it may be 
tracesMc, and a reoord of the traditions that are preserved regarding them."— Loao Canmino. 

** What the learned world demand of ns in India is to be quite certain of onr data* to place the monumental 
record before them exactly as it now exists* and to interpret it faitlifnUy and Utendly.''— Jamis Pmnibp. 




TOURING the cold season of 1882-83 I explored a great 
^^ part of Eastern Rajputana, including portions of the 
states of Alwar, Bharatpur, Karauli, Dholpur, and Gwalior 
and the adjoining British districts of Delhi, Gurgaon, and 

In Alwar I visited the old capitals of Tejira, RAjgarh, and 
PAranagar, with the border forts of Indor, Sarhata, and 
Kotila, all of which have been famous for centuries in the 
history of the M evs, or M eos of MewAt. As Hindus the Meos 
often successfully resisted the arms of the Muhammadan kings 
of Delhi until the time of Feroz Tughlak, when they became 
converts to Muhammadanism. But in spite of their change 
of religion the Moslem Meos were just as turbulent as their 
Hindu ancestors^ — and they remained virtually independent 
from the time of Timur's invasion until the conquest of 
Northern India by BAbar. BahAdur Khan NAhar, the founder 
of the KhAnzAdah dynasty of MewAt, secured the favour of 
Timur by numerous presents, of which the conqueror chiefly 
prized a pair of white parrots, or cockatoos, which must have 
been at leapt 80 years old, as they are said to have been in 
the possession of Tughlak Shah. 

The principal remains of the Meo Rulers consist of 
mosques and tombs. At Kotila I found a fine old stone 
mosque, standing on an elevated site, which was formerly 
occupied by a famous Hindu Temple. It was begun by 
BahAdur NAhar himself in A.H. 795, and finished by his 
successor in A.H. 803, as recorded in the inscription over the 
entrance gateway of the enclosure. 


The toim of Sambhali, mentioned in this inscription^ still 
exists under the name of Sh&h&bAd, 4 miles to the west of 

At Tej&ra itself there is one of the largest Muhammadan 
tombs now standing in Northern India. The name of the 
owner of this fine mausoleum is not certainly known, but it is 
said to be the last resting-place of AlA-ud-din Alam Shah, 
the brother of Sikandar Lodi, who was for a long time the 
Governor of Tej4ra during Sikandar's reign. He afterwards 
disagreed with his nephew Ibrahim Lodi, and joined B&bar, on 
his invasion, in A.H. 932. He lived into Humftyun's reign; 
but it is not known when or where he died. 

In the Bharatpur territory I visited the holy grove, or 
forest, of Kadamba-vana, now called K&man. The Hindu 
temples were demolished in the reign of Iltitmish, and a large 
mosque built on their site. The mosque is known as the Assi<- 
Khambha, or " Eighty Pillars." Built into thje wall inside I 
found an early inscription of the old Surasena Rajas of 
Muthura. An inscription over the gateway of the Masjid 
assigns its erection to Iltitmish. 

From KAman I went to BayAna, one of the famous strong- 
holds of Upper India. There I obtained a large number of 
Muhammadan inscriptions, of which the most interesting are a 
series recording the rule of the Auhadi family for several gener- 
ations. Here again I found old mosques built of Hindu 
materials, which have now, under a Hindu government, revert* 
ed to Hindu use. The two principal mosques date from the 
reigns of Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khalji and his son Kutb-ud- 
din Mub&rak. The latter is now used as a cattle-yard, and 
is only known to the people as a No/iara, or " cattle-pen.'* 

The great fort of Tahangarh in the Karauli territory has 
hitherto been unnoticed, although it was formerly one of the 
great forts of Upper India. It was besieged by Muhammad- 
bin- SAm in person, and would appear to have remained in 
the hands of the Muhammadans down to the time of Ibrahim 
Lodi and Islam Shah Stir, of both of whom inscriptions 
still remain in the fort. It is now quite deserted, and is filled 
with thick jungle infested by tigers. In the early Muham- 
madan histories the name is written Thangar ; but the founda- 


tion of the place is ascribed to Tahan P&l, one of the early 
YAdava Rajas, and the name is so written at the present day. 

Whilst in this neighbourhood I visited the battle-field 
of KhAnwa, where B^bar defeated the great Hindu prince 
Sangrd.m, Rana of Mewar, and his ally Hasan Kh&n, Ruler 
of Mew4t. Here I sought for, and found, the Baoli well which 
B&bar built on the spot where he poured out all the wine in his 
camp, in fulfilment of a vow which he had long made, and 
regularly neglected, until the imminent danger of his po- 
sition in front of an overwhelming force reminded him of his 
broken vows. 

In the Gwalior territory the chief place visited was the 
great Jain Temple of Dubkund. The site is very inaccessible, 
as it lies in the very heart of the deep jungles, 76 miles to the 
south-west of Gwalior direct, and 44 miles to west north- 
west from Sipri. From Gwalior the actual distance by road is 
98 miles. The temple is a square enclosure of 8 1 feet each 
side. On each side there are teft rooms. The four comer 
rooms open outwards, but all the rest open inwards into a 
corridor supported on square pillars. The entrance is on 
the east side, through one of the small rooms. Each of these 
thirty-five chapels (thirty-four opening inwards, and four comer 
rooms opening outwards) originally contained a statue, of 
which only broken pieces now remain ; but there are many of 
the pedestals still in^sifu with richly carved canopies above. 
The entrance to each chapel is also most elaborately carved 
after the fashion of the entrance to the sanctum of a Brahman 
ical temple. There are four figures on each jamb, and three 
large seated figures on each lintel, one in the middle, and one 
at each end, with small standing figures between them. 

On one of the pillars there is a short inscription which 
gives the date of 1 152 Samvat, and on the pedestal of one of 
the broken figures there is a nearly obliterated inscription with 
the date of Samvat 1151. The temple, however, was built a 
few years earlier, as one of the pillars of the corridor or inside 
bears a long inscription of 59 lines, giving the date of the 
erection in Samvat 1145, or A.D. 1088. It opens with the 
Jaina invocation — 

Aum ! Namo Vitar4gAya, 


" Glory to Vitardga," which is one of the titles of the Jaina 
Saints. As the inscription mentions the Kachhafaghdla^- 
tilakay or ornament of the Kachw&ha race, the country must 
then have belonged to the Kacchw^ha Raja of Gwalion 

At P4roli and Par^vali, situated in the hills to the north 
of the fortress of Gwalior, at 9 to 16 miles, there is a very 
great assemblage of small stone temples of the later Gupta 
style. The most curious building is a large covered well, 
called Chaua-kuaj or the " Roofed well.'' It has a small 
temple of the Gupta style attached to it. It possesses an in- 
scription dated in Samvat 1528, or A.D. 147 1, during the 
reign of the Tomara Raja Sri Kirtti Singha Deva, who reigned 
from A.D. 1454 to 1479. But the well must be many cen- 
turies older than his time, as the style of the temple is un- 
doubtedly that of the Gupta period, while the pillars show 
that a complete re-arrangement must have been made at some 
period long subsequent to the original erection. 

In the district. of Mathura I discovered several old in- 
scriptions of the Indo-Scythian period, one of which is dated 
in the year 62, or A.D. 150 according to my reckoning. A 
still older record was set up during the reign of the son of 
the Satrap Rajubula, who most probably ruled about the 
beginning of the Christian era. But the most valuable dis- 
covery made at Mathura was a colossal statue, 7 feet high, 
cut in the round, with an inscription in Maurya characters, 
like those on the Asoka Pillars. This statue was found at 
the village of Parkham, which is now one of the railway 
stations between Mathura and Agra. 

At MahAban, on the opposite bank of the Jumna a little 
below Mathura, I got a long inscription of 29 lines dated in 
Samvat 1207, ^^ '^•^- ''5^) with the name of Maharaja 
Ajaya Pala Deva, one of the YAduvansi Rajas, who reigned 
from A.D. 1135 to 1160. I found also that a considerable 
part of an old Hindu Temple was still standing intact in the 
Masjid of Eighty Pillars. Even the roof of this portion has 
remained undisturbed. 

At Kota, 5 miles to the north of Mathura, I found a large 
number of pillars of a Buddhist railing. They were all of 
the usual type, with a male or female figure on one face, and 


some lotus medallions on the opposite face. They were all 
of small size, being only 2 feet 8i inches in height, with a 
breadth of 7 inches, and a thickness of 3 inches. Here I 
found a small independent group of two female figures, with 
a tree on the back of the sculpture. 

At Chaumukha, there is a curious old Buddhist capital, 
with four females standing between four lions. Hence the 
name of the village, as Chau-mukha is only a corruption of 
Chatur-mukha, or " four faces,'* I could not find any other 
remains. Mr. Growse has described this sculpture as the 
base of a pillar. But, so far as my observation has gone, the 
Buddhist monoliths are invariably without bases. 

In the Gurgaon District I visited Firozpur-Jhirka, Kotila, 
Indor, Palah, Sohna, Bhonsi, and Gurgaon. Kotila I have 
already noticed as one of the border places of Alwar. Fi- 
rozpur-Jhirka is remarkable for its fine springs of water in a 
cleft of the range of hills, through which a good road has 
now been made leading to TejAra. These springs were 
visited by the Emperor B&bar. The hills and surrounding 
country have now been cleared of jungle, and the lands are 
well cultivated. But in former days, when the whole place 
was covered with jungle, the turbulent Kh&nz&dah Chiefs of 
Mew«Lt invariably retreated to Jhirka (or the " springs "), 
where they felt themselves to be safe from pursuit. The 
place was renamed as Firozpur- Jhirka by the brother of Baha- 
dur N^her during the reign of Firoz Tughlak, when the two 
brothers, as I conclude, received grants of TejAra and Jhirka 
on becoming Musalmans. 

In the Delhi District I visited several buildings that had 
hitherto escaped observation, as well as many others that re- 
quired careful measurements. Amongst the latter I may 
mention the Tomb of SultAn GhAri at M ahipAlpur, the Tomb 
of Firoz Shah Tughlak near Begampur, and the Tomb of 
M ubtfLrak Sayid at MubArakpur Kotila. Amongst the former 
are the curious Baithak and Tomb of Kabir-uddin Auliya, 
near Begumpur, and the Chor-MinAr, or " Thieves-Tower," 
near the same place. This Tower is circular, with rows of 
holes on the outside for the reception of the heads of thieves. 

At Khairpur I measured the jAmi Masjid of Sikandar 


Lodi, with its fine gateway, copied from the Alai Darwaza of 
the Kuth Masjid. 

This season's tour has been very fruitful in the acqui- 
sition of Muhammadan inscriptions, amongst which I may 
mention the following novelties — 

2 of the Emperor Iltitmish from K4man and Okhala. 

1 of Kutb-ud-din Aibak, dated in A.H. 608. 

2 of Ala-ud-din Mahammad Khalji — one in highly ornament- 

al Tughra characters, the other dated in A.H. 705. 

3 of Kutb-ud-din Mubirak Khalji, dated 718, 718, and 720. 
I of Fironz Tughlak, dated in A.H. 753. 

I of Bah&dur Nihar of Me wit, dated in A.H. 795 and 803. 

I of Auhad Khan of Bay&na, dated in A.H. 820. 

I of Muhammad Khan Auhadi of Bay&na, dated in A.H. 850. 

I of D4ud Khan Auhadi of Bayina, dated A.H. 861. 

I of Sikandar Lodi from J4mi Masjid at Khairpur, A.H. 900. 

I of Ibrahim Lodi from Tahangarh, dated in A.H. 925. 

I of Blbi Zarina (? mother of Sikandar Lodi) from Dholpur 

A.H. 942. 
I of Islam Shah from Tahangarh, dated in A.H. 953. 
I of Daulat Khan from Bayina, dated A.H. 961. 




1. Eastern Rajputana 

2. The Yaduvansis . 

3. The Nikumbhas . 

4. The Kh&nzadas . 

5. The Mevsy or Meos 


6. Mathura 

7. Parkham 

8. Mahwan 

9. Mahftban 

10. Lohban 

11. P&liKhera 

12. Mora . 

13. Anyor 

14. Kota . 

15. Chaumukha 

1 6. Tumaula 


17. Kiman^ or Kadamba^vana 
i8. Bayftna^ or Pay&mpuri 

19. Sikandra . 

20. Vijay-Mandargarh 

21. Tahangarh . 
22* Dhandora . 

23. Kh&nwa 

24. Rupb&s 













25. Dubkund 

26. Kadwai 

27. PAroli 




28. Par4vali 

29. Kutwal 

30. Dholpur 


31. Tejira 

32. Sarhata 

33. Bahftdurpur 

34. Alwar 

35. RAjgarh 

36. Talao. 

37. P&rAnagar . 


38. Firozpur Jhirka 

39. Kotila 

40. Indor . 

41. Palah . 

42. Sohna 

43. Bhonst 

44. Gurgaon 


45. Iron Pillar at Mahrauli 

46. Mahip&lpur^ Sult&n Gh&ri . 

47. Begampur, MasjidandTomb 

48. Tomb of Kabir-ud-din Auliya 

49. Chor Min&r 

50. Tomb of Firoz Shah 

51. Shahpur — small Masjid 

52. Kotila— Tomb of Mub&rak 


53. Khairpur, J&mi Masjid 

54. Okhala 
















































Map of Eastern Rajputana . 
Map of Math lira District 
Mathura— Sculptures 

Do. Jain Sculpture 

Do. Inscriptions . 
Parkham — Colossal Statue 
Mah&ban — Plan of Masjid . 

Do. Enlarged Plan of Masjid 

Do, Front View of Masjid 

Do. Inscriptions 
-Kaman — Plan of Masjid 

Do. In.%ription 
Bayina^Plan of Ukha Masjid 

Do. Inscription of AU-ud-din 

Do. Do. of Mubarak Shah 

Do. Plan of Jh&lar Baoli 
• Do. Inscriptions of Auhadi Family 
Sikandra — Plan of Masjid • 
Tahangarh — Inscriptions 
Dubkund — Plan of Jain Temple 

Do. Sanskrit Inscription 

Do. Do. 

■Paroli— Temples 
Paravali — Map of site . 

Do. Garhi Temple 

Do. Chauakua, and Temple 
-Tej&ra— Plan of Tomb 
-Firozpur and Sarhata— Temple and Masjid 
P&r&nagar and Talao— Temples . 
Kotila— Masjid and Tomb of Bah&dur N&har 

Do. Inscriptions of Bah&dur N&har and Firoz 
■Delhi— Tomb of Sultan Gh&ri 
Begampur— Tomb of Kabir-ud-din Auliya 

Do. Chor Min&r and Tomb of Firoz Shah 

-MubArakpur^Tomb of Mub&rak Shah 
■Khairpur— Plan of J&mi Masjid . 

Do. Inscriptions 
- Do. Plan of Gateway of Masjid 

Paget of 

text In 


referred to. 

























I.— rAjputAna. 

AT the present day the name of RAjputAna is restricted 
to the different states lying between the Jumna and 
the NarbadA, of which the Jumna forms the eastern boundary. 
But previous to the Mahratta conquests the whole of Sindhia's 
dominions was held by various RAjput chiefs, whose de- 
scendants still occupy large portions of their old territories. 
Up to a very late date, therefore, the country of the RAjputs 
really extended from the Sutlej on the west to the Chhota 
Sindh river of Narwar on the east. 

Within these boundaries the old states of RAjputAna may 
be conveniently divided into three large groups, according to 
their relative positions, as western, eastern, and southern — 
I.' — Western RAjputAna would thus include the RAthor 
states of Bikaner and MArwAr, the JAdon-Bhatti 
state of Jesalmer, the KachwAha states of Jaypur 
and ShekhAwati, and the ChauhAn state of 
II. — Eastern RAjputAna would include the present Naruka 
KachwAha state of Alwar, the jAt states of 
Bharatpur and Dholpur, the jAdon state of 
Karauli, the British districts of Gurgaon, Mathura, 
and Agra, and the whole of the northern dis- 
tricts of Gwalior, which still bear the names of 
their old RAjput proprietors as jAdonwati, Tomar- 
gAr, KachwAha-gAr, Bhadaur-gAr, and Khichi- 

1 See Plate I for the map of Eastern Hajputatia. 
you XX A 


III. — Southern RAj put Ana would include the two Chauhin 
states of B6ndi and Kota, with the whole of 
MewAr and MAlwa. 

With the exception of Eastern MAlwa, of which Bhilsa 
forms the centre, the whole of Southern RAjputAna has been 
placed under Dr. Burgess, the Archaeological Surveyor of 
Western India. I have myself explored the greater part of 
Eastern MAlwa from Bhilsa to Chanderi, and from Eran to 
BheraghAt on the NarbadA. 

For the work of the present season I made over Western 
RAjputAna to my Assistant, Mr. H. B. W. Garrick, who, as a 
photographer, would be able to do justice to the fine old 
buildings in MArwAr, Ajmer, and other places. 

Eastern RAjputAna I have myself explored, and the result 
is given in the following report. 

In ancient times the whole of the country lying between 
the Arbali hills of Alwar and the river Jumna was divided 
between Matsya on the west and Surasena on the east, with 
DasArna on the south and south-east border. 

Matsya then included the whole of the present Alwar 
territory, with portions of Jaypur and Bharatpur. BairAt and 
MAchAri were both in Matsya-desa ; while KAman, Mathura, 
and BayAna were all in Surasena. To the east were the 
PanchAlas, who held Rohilkhand and Antarbeda, or the 
Gangetic DoAb. 

The Surasenas were jAdavas, or jAdpvansis, to which race 
belonged both Krishna and his antagonist Kansa, the king 
of Mathura. A large portion of their old territory is still in 
the possession of the jAdon RAjA of Karauli. 

The Surasenas had a separate dialect, known in ancient 
times as the Suraseni, just as their descendants, the present 
people of Braj, have their own dialect of Braj BhAsha. At 
the time of Alexander's invasion the Surasenas worshipped a 
god whom the Greeks identified with Herakles. Their chief 
towns were Methora and Kleisoboras, or Mathura and Krish- 
napura, between which flowed the river Jomanes or Jumna. 
Kleisoboras, or Krishnapura, I take to be the present sub- 
urbs of Mathura surrounding the Katra, between which and 


the present city of Mathura either the Jumna itself, or a large 
branch of it, must once have flowed. This question will be 
fully examined in my report on Mathura. 

The territory of the Surasenas was then only partially 
cleared, as we learn from the names of the different forests 
into which it was divided, many of which still survive.' 
Thus, there are — 

I. — Mahi-vana, or Maji&ban, the great forest. 

2. — Kadamba-vana, or K&man, the Kadamba forest. 

3.— Pilu-vana, or Pilauna, the Pilu forest. 

4. — Madhu-vana, or Madhuban, the Mahwa forest. 

5. — Khadira-vana, or Khairban, the Khair forest. 

6. — Tila-vana, or T&lban, the Palm forest. 

7. — Vrinda-vana, or Brind&ban, the Tulsi forest. 

It is needless to mention any more of these names, as the 
people now reckon at least 36, of which 12 are Mah&- 
vanas, or " great forests," and 24 are Ufa^vanas^ or " lesser 
forests." Most of the names will be found in Mr. Growse's 
elaborate account of the Mathura district. 

In spite of the popular worship of Krishna, the Bftddhists 
would seem to have obtained a firm footing in the district at 
an early date, for not only do the Buddhist books speak of 
Sonav&si and Upagupta of Mathura as two of their great 
teachers, during the reign of Asoka, but I have, during my 
late tour, been fortunate enough to find a colossal statue with 
an inscription on its pedestal in Asoka characters. 

During the rule of the Indo-Scythian Princes in Mathura 
the Bftddhist religion further appears to have become general 
over the whole district, as I have found Buddhist remains at 
Kota and Chaumuha to the north of Mathura, at Anyor to 
the west, and at Parkham and Mahwan to the south. At the 
same time the Jainas also had a large establishment on the 
site of the KankAli mound, where a few years ago I exhumed 
many naked Jaina statues, including one described in its 
inscription as a statue of Vardham^na, or Mahivira, the last 
of the 24 Jaina pontiffs. 

> See Plate II, in which these hans^ or forests, are laid down. 

A I 



Up to this time no early traces of Br&hmanism have been 
found in the Mathura district, although there can be no doubt 
that the worship of Vishnu still flourished there. But before 
the middle of the 7th century, when the Chinese pilgrim 
Hwen Thsang visited the city, Mathura possessed no less 
than fifty Br&hmanical temples, and was under the rule of a 
Sudra king, who worshipped the Devas. At that time Bud- 
dhism had already begun to decline, as there were then only 
ten monasteries with about 800 monks. During the three 
following centuries Br&hmanism became the prevailing religion 
of India, and when M4hmud of Ghazni captured Mathura, 
there is no mention of any worship except that of the Brih- 
manical gods. 

During the long period of 13 centuries between the 
expeditions of Alexander the Great and M&hmud of Ghazni, 
the political changes experienced by Mathura were even 
greater than the religious ones. The old Y&dava line of 
princes had first succumbed to the power of the great Maurya 
dynasty of Magadha, and was afterwards overwhelmed by an 
irruption of the Indo-Scythians, who, about the beginning of 
the Christian era, established themselves firmly in Mathura, 
under the Satraps R4iubul and his son Sauddsa. The rule 
of these chiefs is attested by both coins and inscriptions 
found on the spot. During the whole, or the greater part, of 
the first two centuries of the Christian era, Mathura formed 
the most eastern province of the great Indo-Scythian empire 
of Kanishka and his successors Huvishka and Vasu Deva, as 
proved by their coins and inscriptions exhumed on the spot. 

The country of the Surasenas then fell under the power- 
ful sway of the Gupta dynasty, whose coins and inscriptions 
have also been found at Mathura. In the PurAnas the pos- 
session of Mathura is assigned to the nine Naga kings, who 
would appear to have been contemporary with the Guptas, 
and who were most probably their tributaries. The dominant 
power of the Guptas was broken about A.D. 319, on the 
death of Skanda Gupta, but they continued to rule over 
Northern India for some centuries later. . 

At the time of Hwen Thsang's visit, in A.D. 635, the 


king of Mathura was a Sudra, but only a few centuries later 
the J&don Rajputs are found in full possession of both 
Bayftna and Mathura, the former under Vijaya PAla in A.D. 
1043, and his son Tahan P&la, and the latter under Ajaya 
P4la in A.D. 11 50. Nearly the whole of Eastern RajputAna 
therefore formerly belonged to the YAduvansi, or J&don Raj- 
puts. They held one-half of Alwar, with the whole of Bharat- 
pur, Karauli, and Dholpur, besides the British districts of 
Gurgaon, Mathura, and the greater part of Agra to the west 
of the Jumna. It seems probable also that they may have 
held some portions of the present Gwalior territory, lying 
along the Chambal River opposite Karauli. 

As nearly all the places which I visited during my last 
tour lay within the limits which I have assigiied to Eastern 
RftjputAna, some account of the principal . races who have 
held these countries for about three thousand years seems to 
be necessary. These are the Lunar YAduvansis and the 
Solar Nikumbhas in ancient times, and in later days the 
KhAnzAdahs and the Meos. 


The only Hindft descendants of the Ydduvausis at the 
present day are the JAdons of the small state of Karauli, to 
the west of the Chambal, and the jAdons of Sabalgarh, or 
jAdonvati, in the Gwalior territory to the east of that river. 
But the MusalmAns of acknowledged jAdon descent form a 
very large portion of the population of Eastern RAjputAna, 
from Sohna and Alwar on the west to the Chambal on the 
east, and from the banks of the Jumna to Karauli and Sabal- 
garh on the south. These jAdon MusalmAns are now known 
as the KhAnzAdahs and Mens or Meos, of whom I will pre- 
sently give some account. 

The YAduvansis, of course, claim descent from Krishna 
the acknowledged lord of Mathura after the death of Kansa. 
Their early history, therefore, consists of a number of the 
popular tales of Krishna derived from the MahAbhArata 
and the PurAnas. But something like real history begins 


with Dharma P41a, the 77th in descent from Krishna accord- 
ing to the lists of the chroniclers. He is the first who bears 
the name of PAla, which has descended in the family of the 
Karauli R&jAs to the present day. His probable date is 
about 800 A.D. He and his successors are said to have 
resided in Baydna. The eleventh in descent from Dharma 
PAla is Vijaya P4la, to whom the building of the forti'ess 
of Vijayamandargarh is unanimously attributed. An inscrip- 
tion bearing his name still exists on one of the HindA pillars 
of the Masjid in the BAhari-Bhitari-Mohalla in the town of 
Bay&na. It gives the date of Sambat iioo, or A.D. 1043. 
His son was Tahan P4la, who built the great Fort of Tahan- 
garh, which stands on the crest of the long sandstone range 
of hills 14 miles to the south of BayAna, and the same dis- 
tance to the east of Hindaun. His date wrill, therefore, be 
about Sambat 1130, or A.D. 1073. From him the KhAnz4- 
dahs trace their descent. After the occupation of Bay4na 
by the Muhammadans, the RSljSl Kunwar Pk\ retired to Ta- 
hangarh, whither he was followed by Muhammad Ghori and 
his general Kutb-ud-din Aibak. The reigning R&j4 is named 
Kuwar PAla by the Muhammadan historians, and this name 
IS found in the list of the bards as the second or third prince 
after Tahan P&la. His date, therefore, corresponds very fairly 
with that of the capture of Tahangarh in A.H. 592, or A.D. 
1 196. 

In MahAban I obtained an inscription of RAjA Ajaya Pftia 
Deva, dated in Sambat 1207, or A.D. 11 50. In the lists his 
name follows immediately after that of Kuwar P4l. He is, 
therefore, placed as much too late as Kuwar P4l is too early. 
By transposing the two their dates would agree exactly with 
that of the inscription and the Muhammadan historian. 

On the capture of Tahangarh the Jfidon Rkjk retired to 
Karauli, and when hard-pressed by the Muhammadans he 
retreated across the Chambal to the jungles of Sabalgarh, 
which the family succeeded in adding to their territories un- 
der the name of JAdonvati, which that district still bears. 
Eventually the RAjA returned to Karauli, where his descend- 
ant still reigns. 


The names in the two following lists are derived from the 
bards' chronicles ; the first from the books of M6k]i, the 
famous bard of the Khichi ChauhAns, and the second from 
those of the BayAna BhAts. They agree fairly well, and are, 
I believe, quite as trustworthy as any lists derived from simi- 
lar sources. It is probable that several names have been 
omitted, as the average length of reign of the recorded names 
is nearly 23 years. Vijaya PAla, the 12th RAjA in the above 
list, was reigning in Sambat iioo, or A.D. 1043, and Hari 
PAla, the 47th king, died in 1850, shortly afterwards. Thirty- 
six kings thus reigned for about 850 years, or nearly 23 
years each. This is, of course, possible, as the mean length 
of an Indian generation is about 25 years. But as the mean 
length of an Indian reign is not more than 15 or 16 years, I 
think it probable that several names may have dropped out. 
In the following list the approximate dates only are entered, 
as calculated at the average of 22 years per reign, with some 
slight variations in the earlier reigns to suit the known 
dates : — 

Ydduvansi Rdjds of Baydna and Karauli, 

Approximate date. 

Miikji'8 Ust 

Bayina RhAt's List 


Dharma P&Ia. 
Singha Pala. 
Taga P&la. 
Nara Pala Deva. 

Sangr^ma Pala. 

Kuntha Pala. 

Bhauma P&la. 

S(icha Pala. 

PAcha Pila. 

Virama P&la. 

Jaita Pdla. 
Vijaya Pala. 



Vijaya Pala« 



Tahan Pala. 

Tahan Pala. 



Dharma P&la« 

Kshiti P&la. 



KuNWAR Pala. 

Dharma P&Ia. 



A J ay A Pala. 

Kunwar Pala. 


1 180 

Hari Pala. 

A JAY A Pala 


1 196 

Soha Pala. 

Hira Pala, 



Ananga P&la. 

Sohan Piia. 



Prithi P&la. 



R&J& Pala. 



Treloka P&la. 



Ydduvansi Rdjds of Baydna and AT^r^tt/f— continued. 

Approximate date. 

Miikji'8 List. 

BayAna Bhit's List. 





Vipala P&la. 




Asala Pila. 



Gugola P41a« i 



Arjuua Pala. 



Vikr&majit P&la. 



Abhay Chand Pala. 



Prithir&j Paia. 



Chandrasena Pila. 



Bh&rati Chand. j 



Gop&l Das. ; 



Dwarka D&s, 


. 1550 

Mukand D&s. 



Jucra P&la. 



TuTsi Pikla. 



Dhaima P&la. 



Ratna P41a. 



Arti PAla. ; 



Ajaya Pala. 



Rache P&la. 




SujAdhar Pala. 



Kunwar Pala, 



Sri Gop&I. 



M&nik PAIa. 



Amola Pala. 



Hari PAla. 



Madhu Pala. 



Arjun Pala. 

No. 36 was reigning in 1850. 

No. 37 was reigning throughout the mutiny. 


But there was another race in Northern RftjputAna as 
ancient and as famous as the Lunar YAdavas. This was the 
solar race of the Nikumbhas, the kings of Ayodhya, from which 
sprang M4ndhAtri, Sagara, BhAgiratha, and RAma. Kuva- 
layAswa, the great-grandfather of Nikumbha, having conquered 
the demon Dhundhu, acquired the title of Dhundhum4ra, or 
" Slayer of Dhundhu," and gave his name to the country which 
is now known as DhundhAr, or Jaypur. Here his descend- 
ants remained under the name of Nikumbhas, and to them is 
attributed the foundation of most of the old forts and cities in 
Alwar and Northern Jaypur. Under MAndh&tri and Sagara 
they came into collision with the Haihayas and TAlajangas 
on the Narbada, where a branch of their race still held terri- 


tory in the thirteenth century. Two inscriptions have been 
found in KhAndes, one dated in Saka 1075, or A.D. 1153, 
and the other in Saka 1 128, or A.D. 1216.^ In the latter the 
reigning king is said to be of the great solar race, from which 
" the king Nikumbha, best of princes, sprang ; in whose line 
MAndhAta was fajnous, as well as Sagara, BhAgiratha, and 
others." In the former the reigning prince is said to be 
" celebrated in the race — the illustrious solar race in which the 
Nikumbha was bom — whose descendant was R4ma." 

•' Of this race (as Tod * says), to which celebrity attaches 
in all the genealogies, we can only discover that they 
were proprietors of the district of MAndalgarh prior to the 
Gahlots," that is, they preceded the Sisodiyas in MewAr. The 
foundation of Alwar and Indor of MewAt is attributed to 
them, and the ruined city of Abhaner, near Alwar, is said to 
have been their capital. 

From these data it would seem that the Nikumbhas were 
amongst the earliest Aryan settlers in RAjputAna. During 
the lapse of many centuries they lost their central provinces, 
and at the time of the Muhammadan conquest only the two 
outlying districts of KhAndes on the south and Alwar on the 
north remained to them. The power of the northern Nikum- 
bhas of Alwar is said to have been destroyed by AlAwal KhAn, 
the father or predecessor of Hasan KhAn, KhAnzAdah, before 
the death of Bahlol in A.H. 894, or A.D. 1488.' 

The name of Nikumbha has been supplanted in Northern 
India by that of Raghuvansa, or ** descendant of Raghu," 
one of the ancestors of Dasaratha and RAma. According to 
the PurAnas Raghu was the grandfather of Dasaratha ; but 
according to Valmiki he lived thirteen generations before 

The legend of the demon Dhundhu and his defeat by 
KuvalAyAswa '* is told in much more detail in the Vayu and 
Brahma PurAnas. Dhundhu hid himself beneath a sea of sand, 

* Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, p. 41, and Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, New 
Series, Vol. I, p. 417. 

" Tod's R&jasth&n, Vol. I, p. 107. 

■ Major Powlett in R&jputana Gazetteer, Vol. Ill, pp. 276-77. 


which KuvalAyAswa and his sons dug up, undeterred by the 
flames which checked their progress, and finally destroyed 
most of them." ^ Wilson thinks that " the legend originates, 
probably, in the occurrence of some physical phenomenon, as 
an earthquake or volcano." In my report on Jaypur or 
DhundhAr,* I have described the position of Dhundu's caveat 
Gatta, near Jaypur, and I have suggested that the phenomenon 
may perhaps be attributed to the clouds of dust which the 
wind raises from the vast sandy plains on both banks of the 
Dhundhu river. The Nikumbhas who settled in this region 
retained their early tribal name, while their brethren of 
Ayodhya assumed the name of RAghuvansis. 


The Khdnzadahs, who for several centuries were the 
rulers of MewAt, claim descent from the jAdon RAjA Tahan 
PAla. When Muhammad Ghori captured Tahangarh many 
of the JAdon families dispersed and settled wherever they 
could find a home. One chief, named Tej PAla, found refuge 
with a descendant of Susarmajit, the RAjA of Sarhata, and 
after a time founded TejAra. His palace is still pointed out 
in Mohalla Mirdhon of TejAra. RAjA BAnd PAl, the son of 
RAjA Tahan PAl, is said to have emigrated in Samvat 1 173, 
or A.D. 1 1 16, and to have taken refuge in the hills near 
KAman. His son was Ainti PAla, whose son was AdhAn PAl, 
whose son was InsarAj, who had acquired Sarhata, near 
TejAra. InsarAj had five sons, of whom the eldest, LAkhan PAl, 
was the founder of the great family of the KhAnzAdahs, while 
the other four sons are said to have become the founders of 
the jAdon branches of the Mevs or Meos. 

LAkhan PAl had two sons, Sambhar PAl and Sopar PAl, 
both of whom became Muhammadans. The former took 
the name of BahAdur KhAn and held Sarhata (only 4 miles 
to the east of TejAra), while the latter took the name of 
Chajju KhAn, and obtained Jhirka. From these two brothers 

» Vishnu Pur4na, Hall's edition, Vol. Ill, p. 264. 
* Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. II, p, 251. 


are descended all the families who lay claim to the title of 
Kh4nz4dah. Why they became Muhammadans has not been 
recorded. It is a common belief that they changed their 
religion to save their lives; and knowing the plundering 
habits of the MewAtis and their general turbulence, the belief 
is perhaps well founded. I think, however, that the two 
brothers may have embraced the Muhammadan religion 
for the purpose of regaining their estates of Sarhata and 
Jhirka, which had been annexed to Delhi by Feroz Tughlak. 
The fact that the name of Jhirka was then changed to 
Firozpur seems to point to this conclusion, which is rendered 
almost certain by the following entry in Firoz ShAh's auto- 
biography :' 

"I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of 
the Prophet, and proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and 
became a Musalman should be exempt from the Jezia^ or poll tax. 
Information of this came to the ears of the people, and great 
numbers of Hindus presented themselves and were admitted to the 
honourof Islam. Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, 
and, adopting the faith, were exonerated from the Jezia^ and were 
favoured toith presents and honours*^ 

Coupling this statement, made by Firoz Sh4h himself, 
with the fact that jhirka was then named Firozpur Jhirka^ 
I think there can be little doubt that the two brothers 
became Musalmans partly perhaps for the sake of securing 
possession of their lands, but partly also for the sake of 
escaping punishment. 

During the last two centuries, since the territory of 
MewAt has fallen into the hands of the Hindus of Alwar 
and Bharatpur, it has become the fashion to doubt the jAdon 
descent of the KhAnzAdahs, and to suggest that the title is 
derived from Khdnahzddah^ **a slave." But the term is 
Khdnzddahy the " offspring of a KhAn," and not KhAnahzA- 
dah, *' the offspring of the house " ue.^ a slave. The fact is 
that both brothers received the title of KhAn on their con- 
version to IslAm, and therefore their descendants became 
KhAnzAdahs, But their claim to royal descent from the 

' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. Ill, p. 386. 


Hindu Rdj&s of the country is too well attested to be shaken 
by the mere guesses of their enemies. The following state- 
ments of three different authors seem to me to be quite 
sufficient to establish the royal descent of the KhAnzAdahs : — 

1. The Emperor Baber, speaking of Hasan KhAn of 
Mew&t, who was one of his opponents at the great battle of 
KhAnwa, says that he " had received the government of MewAt 
from his ancestors, who had governed it in uninterrupted 
succession for nearly 200 years." ^ 

2. Ahmad YAdg4r, in his T^rikh-i-Salatin AfAghana, says, 
" Hasan Khan was a man of royal descent from several 
generations, and his family had possessed regal power until 
the reign of Firoz Sh4h." This book was written between 
the years 980 and 1000 A.H., during the latter part of 
the reign of Akbar.* 

J. Abul Fazl, in the 4th Book of his Ain-i-Akbari, says that 
"the Kh^nzAdahs were chiefly converted Januha R4jputs."^ 

The period of nearly 200 years mentioned by Baber 
can only refer to the time during which the family of the 
KhfinzAdahs had held the government of MewAt after their 
conversion to Muhammadanism, as A.H. 932, the date of 
the battle of Khinwa, less 175 years, will only reach back to 
A.H. 757 during the reign of Firoz Shah, before whose reign the 
family had not been converted. But the statement of Ahmad 
YadgAr clearly refers to the earlier history of the family, when 
they possessed regal power, that is, while they were still 
HindA RajAs. 

During this earlier period, the Hindu ancestors of the 
KhAnzAdahs seem to have been almost continuously engaged 
in contests with the Musalmin kings of Delhi. We have 
nothing but the accounts of the Muhammadan historians for 
the two centuries which intervened between the first conquest 
of Northern India: by Muhammad-bin-Sam, in A.H. 589, and 
the first appearance of the KhAnzadahs under Bahadur Khan 
Nahar in A.H. 789. It is highly amusing to read the com- 

* Baber's Memoirs, pp. 368-69. 

' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. V, p. 35. 

• Biochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, p. 334, Note. 


placent manner in which the historian brands the MewAtis 
as " Knaves, Hindus, thieves, and highway robbers/' in happy 
forgetfulness that the Muhammadans themselves had begun 
the plundering. * 

During the first half of the 7th century of the Hijra 
nothing is heard of the Mew&tis. There can be no doubt, 
however, that their country had been overrun by Iltitmish in 
A.H., 607-32 as the great Masjid of Chaunsat-Khamba, or 
the *' sixty-four Pillars," at KAman was built during his reign 
out of Hindu materials, the pillars alone numbering 200. 
During the weak reigns of his successors MewAt was left 
undisturbed ; but in A.H. 654, or A.D. 1256, when the rebel 
Kutlugh Khfin sought refuge in Mew4t with the R&nA Ran 
Pal (or Raipftl,or Depfil), UlughKhan, the active minister of 
M&hmud Shah, invaded the country and forced the rebel to 
fly. In A.H. 658, Ulugh Khan (afterwards the Emperor 
Balban) again invaded MewAt, and captured the leader of the 
rebels named Malkah (perhaps Mangala), besides thousands 
of others, who were carried to Delhi and put to death with 
great cruelty near Hauz R4ni in front of the BadAun Gate 
of the city. During these campaigns Ulugh Khan captured 
the capital of MewAt, named Santur^ or Satur, and another 
city named Salmur, to which the Muhammadans. had never 
penetrated before. The former place I believe to be Indor, 
a name which is variously corrupted in the Persian characters 
to Htndwarif Andra^ and Indwdr. Salmur can only be 
Alwar^ the original name of which is supposed to be Arbal- 
pur, or " the city of the Arbali hills.*' 

The RAnA DepAl (or Ran PAl or RaipAl) is probably the 

Ainti Pdl of the chronicles written in Persian character3, as 

I take the first syllable Atn to represent Rdniy and the second 

syllable // to represent De, or Deva. The genealogy of the 

Hindu ancestors of the KhAnzAdahs will then stand as 

follows : — 


1040 — Vijaya Pil, founded Vijayamandargarh. 

1070 — Tahan PAl, founded Tahangarh. 

* Raverty's Tabakat-i Nasiri, p. 852. 



1 216— Band P&l^ fled and founded Aj&ngarh. 
1240 — Ainti P&l. 

1270 — AdhAn PAl, founded Kaltftjpur in Tejira. 
1300 — InsarAj reigned at Sarhata. 
1330 — L&khan PAl (his two sons became Musalmans). 
1360— SAmbhar PAl (became BahAdur KhAn, in Sarhata,) and 
Sopar PAl (became Chajju Khan^ in Jhirka). 

I have already mentioned my belief that the name of 
Jhirka was changed to Firozpur during the reign of Firoz 
ShAh, after the conversion of the two brothers. In corrobo- 
ration of this view I find the following statement in the Pan 
jAb Gazetteer : ** It is said that the emperor Firoz ShAh can- 
toned a force here [at Jhirka-Firozpur] for the control and 
subjection of the hill tribes."^ 

I have been disappointed in not finding any mention of 
MewAt during the long reign of Firoz ShAh himself, which 
covers the very period when the mass of the people of MewAt, 
both KhAnzAdahs and Meos, are said to have become Musal- 
mans. That these conversions were not unattended with 
persecution we may gather from the following accounts writ- 
ten by Firoz himself of the way in which he suppressed the 
idol-worship of the Hindis in three different places :* 

'* The Hind&s and idol-worshippers had agreed to pay the money 
for toleration (sar'i'Zimmiya)^ and had consented to the poll-tax, 
Jtzyd)y in return for which they and their families enjoy security. 
These people now erected new idol temples in the city and the envi- 
rons in opposition to the Law of the Prophet, which declares that such 
temples are not to be tolerated. Under divine guidance I destroyed 
these edifices, and I killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others 
into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes and chastise- 
ments, until this abuse was entirely abolished. The following is an 
instance : — In the village of Malfih there is a tank which they call 
kund (tank). Here they had built idol-temples, and on certain days 
the Hindus were accustomed to proceed thither on horseback and 
wearing arms. Their women and children also went out in palankins 
and carts. There they assembled in thousands and performed idol- 
worship. This abuse had been so overlooked that the bazdr people 

* Pan jab Gazetteer, Art. " Gurgaon," p. 52. 

^ Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. Ill, p. 3S0. 


took out there all sorts of provisions, and set up stalls and sold their 
goods. Some graceless Musalmans, thinking only of their own grati- 
fication^ took part in these meetings. When intelligence of this came 
to my ears, my religious feelings prompted me at once to put a stop 
to this scandal and offence to the religion of IslAm. On the day of 
assembling I went there in person^ and I ordered that the leaders of 
these people and prompters of these abominations should be put to 
death. I forbad the infliction of any severe punishments on the 
Hindfis in general^ but I destroyed their idol temples, and instead 
thereof raised mosques. I founded two flourishing towns {kasba), one 
called Tughlikpur, and the other SAl&rpur. Where infidels and idola- 
tors worshipped idols^ Musalmans now, by God's mercy, perform their 
devotions to the true God. Praises of God and the summons to 
prayer are now heard there, and that place, which was formerly the 
home of infidels, has become the habitation of the faithful^ who there 
repeat their creed and offer up their praises to God. 

'^ Information was brought to me that some Hindfls had erected a 
new idol-temple in the village of S41ihpur, and were performing 
worship to their idol. I sent some persons there to destroy the idol 
temple, and to put a stop to their pernicious incitements to error. 

" Some Hindfis had erected a new idol-temple in the village of 
Koh&na, and the idolaters used to assemble there and perform their 
idolatrous rites. These people were seized and brought before me. 
I ordered that the perverse conduct of the leaders of this wickedness 
should be publicly proclaimed, and that they should be put to death 
before the gate of the palace. I also ordered that the infidel books^ 
the idols, and the vessels used in their worship, which had been taken 
with them, should all be publicly burnt. The others were restrained 
by threats and punishments, as a warning to all men that no Zimmi 
could follow such wicked practices in a Musalman country." 

{A) Bahadur KhAn, or BahAdur Kfthar, as he is more 
commonly called, the founder of the ruling family of the 
Khftnzftdahs of MewAt, is one of the most prominent figures 
in Delhi history for about a dozen years just before and after 
the invasion of Timur. He is said to have received the title 
of Ndhar^ or ** Tiger," from Firoz Sh&h, because he had killed 
a tiger single-handed. His usual residence seems to have 
been at Kotila, a fort of difficult access on the crest of the 
high range of hills about 60 miles to the south of FirozAbftd, 
just outside the south gate of the modem city of Delhi or 
Sh4hjahAnAb&.d. The town stands at the east foot of the hill, 


and is covered towards the east by a large lake called Dahand 
or Dahar. 

Bahadur's first appearance was in A.H. 791, or A.D. 
1389, when he suddenly took possession of FirozAb4d, and 
held it until joined by Prince Abubakr, when he succeeded in 
driving the reigning king Muhammad Shfth out of Delhi 
and in placing Abubakr on the throne. Muhammad after- 
wards recovered Delhi, and Abubakr took refuge with 
Bahadur in Mew4t. In A.H. 793, or A.D. 1389, Muham- 
mad invaded Mew4t, and defeated the joint forces of Abubakr 
and Bahadur. Both rebels then surrendered themselves, 
when the Prince was imprisoned, while Bahadur was graci- 
ously received and dismissed with a robe of honour.* In 
A.H. 795, or A.D. 1391, Bahadur plundered the country 
right up to the gate of the city of (old) Delhi at Mahroli. 
Muhammad immediately invaded Mew4t and captured Kotila ; 
but Bahadur succeeded in escaping to Jhirka-Firozpur. There 
still exists a record of this invasion in the inscription which is 
placed over the entrance gateway to the J4mi Masjid at 
Kotila. It is dated in A.H. 795, and gives the names of 
both Muhammad and Bahidur KhAn. In the court of the 
Masjid there is a fine tom*b, which is said to be that of Bahadur 
Nahar hynself. The work was completed in A.H. 803, as 
recorded at the end of the inscription, which I believe to be 
the date of Bahidur Nihar's death. There is a tradition that 
Bahadur Nahar was assassinated by his Hind ill father-in-law, 
the Rana jamuwas, because he had forsaken his religion. 
Malik Aiauddin of Tejara, who is called the head of the family, 
then attacked the HindCl Rana and killed him. There is a 
tomb at Tejara, near the tahsili, which is said to be that of 
Aiauddin Khanzadah, or Aiauddin Firoz, the son of Bahadur 
Nahar. The large town of Bahadurpur, about 14 miles to the 
north-east of Alwar, is said to have been founded by Bahadur 

Muhammad Shah died in A.H. 796, and was succeeded 
by his son Mahmud, who in the following year was besieged 

* Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, pp. 31, 25. 


in old Delhi by the troops of Nusrat Sh4h, who had got 
possession of Firoz&bAd. Nusrat was backed by Shih4b N&har 
(E), while BahAdur N&har held the city of old Delhi for 

In A.H. 801, just before the invasion of Timur, Shih&b \ 
Nfthar of Mew&t, who had been created a Kh&n, joined 
Nusrat ShAh with ten elephants, and assisted in the capture 
of Delhi ; but he was soon after killed in a night attack. 

On Timur's arrival at Delhi he sent an embassy to Baha- 
dur NAhar at the city of Kotila. Bahadur replied that he was 
one of the insignificant servants *' of the Amir, and would 
proceed to his court to wait upon him." He also sent as a 
tribute *' two white parrots which could talk well and plea- 
santly." As these birds, which were most probably cockatoos, 
are said to have belonged to Sultftn Tughlak Shah, they must 
have been at least 75 years old. On the following day 
Bahadur N4har arrived with his eldest son, named Kaln4sh, 
to pay their respects. Tim6r says that he received them with 
" due courtesy," and he was evidently influenced in their 
favour by the present of the two parrots, as he states that he 
looked upon them as " the best of their gifts.'** 

I can find no further mention of Bahadur Kh4n, whom I 
suppose to have died in A.H. 803. In that year Mub&rak 
Kh4n (B), son of Bahadur, joined Ikb&l Kh&n the virtual ruler 
of Delhi, under the weak king M4hmud Sh&h. On the 
march towards Kanauj, IkbAl, becoming suspicious of 
Mubarak, put him to death. 

In A.H. 808, or A.D. 1405, after the death of IkbAl Khan, 
Iklim Khan Bahddur Nahar (C) brought two elephants as 
an offering to Sultan Mahmud. In A.H. 814, or A.D. 141 1, 
Khizr Khan, the powerful governor of the Panj&b, invaded 
Mewat. He first plundered the town of Narnol, which was 
in the possession of Iklim Khan Bahadur NAhar, and then 
invaded Mewat, where he plundered the towns of Tejara, 
Saratha, Kharol, and other places. Again, in A.H. 816= A.D. 
1413, Khizr Khan passed through Mewalt, when JalAl 

' Ellbt's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 31. 
' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. HI, p. 449. 




Khan (G), nephew of Ikllm Khdn BahAdur Nihar, came to 
wait upon him. Lastly, in A.H. 824= A.D. 142 1, Khizr, 
who had now become king of Delhi, marched into Mew4l, 
and besieged BahAdur NAhar (t\e.^ Iklim Khan) in Kotila. 
The fort was captured, but the garrison escaped to the hills. 
Iklim Khan Bahadur Ndhar II probably died in A H. 835.* 
There are several villages in the districts of Alwar and Gur- 
gaon which still preserve the name of Iklim Khdn. 

In A.H. 829=A.D. 1425, Jalla and Kaddu (or Jal&l (G) 
and Kadr (F), grandsons of Bahadur N4har) took up a posi- 
tion in the mountains of Indor. On being driven out they re- 
tired to the hills of Alwar, but shortly afterwards they surren- 
dered themselves and were pardoned. In A.H. 831, or A.D. 
1428, Mubarak Shah seized Kaddu (F), and put him to death 
privately for having joined Ibrfthim Shah Shafki, during his 
recent invasion of the Delhi territory. His brothers, Jal^ 
Khan (G), Ahmad Khan {ff), and Malik Fakharddin (y) re- 
tired to Alwar, where they were besieged by the royal troops. 
They made so stout a defence that peace was granted on 
payment of arrears of tribute. In A.H. 832 = A.D* 1428, 
MubArak proceeded to Mew4t to the palace of Indor, and 
rested there, when Jaldl KhAn gave in and paid the usual 
tribute. Again, in A.H. 836, or A.D. 1432, Mubarak once 
more invaded Mew&t, and reached the town of Taora (9 
miles to north of Indor). Jalsll shut himself up in the fort 
of Indor, which was said to be strongest in Mewat. But 
Jal4l set fire to the palace and fled to Kotila, while Mubfirak 
marched to Tej^ra. Jal4l afterwards submitted and paid the 
usual tribute, 

I can find no further mention of JalAl^^ who must have died 
before the accession of Bahlol Shah in A.H. 850, or A.D. 
1446. There are some well-executed copper coins of a per- 
son calling himself Fateh-ud-duniya-wa-ud*din Jal&l Sh&h, 
which may perhaps belong to him. They are dated in the ye^rs 
841, 842, 843. JalAl is the great hero of the KhAnzAdahs, who 
are never tired of relating his gallant deeds, of which, perhaps, 

' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, pp. 41, 4.5^ 53. 


the most surprising was the asserted capture of Amber, the 
stronghold of the KachwAha RAjAs, and the carrying away 
of one of its gates to Indor, where it is still to be seen ! JalAl 
probably died about A.H. 845, and was succeeded by his 
brother Ahmad. 

In A.H. 850, or A.D. 1447, before the accession of Bahlol 
Lodi to the throne of Delhi, Mahroli and the country within 
" 7 kos of Delhi was in the hands of Ahmed Khin MewAti 
(Z/)-"^ In A.H. 856, or A.D. 1452, Bahlol invaded MewAt 
and forced Ahmad Khan to give up seven parganahs, includ- 
ing TejAra, which were bestowed on TArtAr Khdn, who still 
held them on the accession of Sikandar Lodi in A.H. 894, or 
A.D. 1488. Ahmad Kh^n was allowed to retain the rest of 
Mew&t as a tributary. As nothing more is related of him, it is 
possible that he continued to rule in peace at Kotila until 
about A.H. 870, or A.D. 1466. He certainly lived beyond 
A.H. 863, as he joined Husen Shah Sharki on his advance 
against Delhi, which took place in the early part of his reign. 

Of the next Kh4nz4dah chief, named Adil Khan (A"), 
I can only find that he was the father of Hasan Khan, the 
opponent of BAber.* It is not certain, therefore, that he was 
the son of Ahmad Khan, but, as we know that Hasan Kh^n 
was the descendant of the KhAnzAdah chiefs, the relation- 
ship has a very strong probability. 

Of Hasan KhAn we have the most authentic information 

from the Emperor Baber.^ He describes MewAt as yielding 

a revenue of three or four krors (equal to from ;^75,ooo to 

100,000) " Hasan Kh^n,*' he says, — 

" had received government of that country from his ancestors, 
who had governed it, in uninterrupted succession, for nearly 200 years. 
They had yielded an imperfect kind of submission to the Sultins 
of Delhi. The SultAns of Hind, whether from the extent of their 
territories, from want of opportunity, or from obstacles opposed by 
the mountainous nature of the country, had never subdued Mew4t. 
They had never been able to reduce it to order, and were content to 
receive such a degree of obedience as was tendered to them. After 

' Brig^s Ferishta,Vol. I, p. 541. 

' Baber's Memoirs, in Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 346. 

* Baber's Memoirs by Leydon and Erskine, pp. 368-69. 

B I 


my conquest of Hind, following the example of former Sult&ns, I also 
had shown Hasan Kh^n distinguished marks of favour. Yet this un- 
grateful man, whose affections lay all on the side of the Pagans, this 
infidel, regardless of my favours, and without any sense of the kindness 
and distinction with which he had been treated, was the grand 
prompter and leader of all the commotions and rebellions that ensued, 
as has been related. The plan for marching into the country of the 
Pagans having been abandoned, I resolved on the reduction of MewAt. 
I advanced four marches, and^ after the fifth, encamped six kos from 
the fort of Ali^ar, which was the seat of Government, on the banks of 
the river Manisni. Hasan Kh&n's ancestors had made their capital 

Here we see that Hasan Khan himself did not possess 
Tejira, which had been wrested from the Khinzadahs by 
Bahlol Lodi. Tartar Khan, who was still holding Tej&ra on the 
accession of Sikandar Lodi in A.H. 894, or A.D. 1488, must 
have died before A.H. 900, or A.D. 1494, in which year 
Sikandar gave the government of TejAra to his full-brother 
Ala-ud-din Alam Sh4h. As Alam Shah joined Baber in 
A.H. 932, Hasan Kh4n would naturally take the opposite 
side, in the hope of regaining possession of the old Kh^nzadah 
territory, should the Mughals be defeated. But he was him- 
self killed in the fatal battle of Khinwa by a matchlock 

After the battle Baber generously received NAhar KhAn, 
the son of Hasan Kh5.n, into favour, and gave him a parganah 
of several lakhs for his support. But the territory of Mew&t 
he annexed to his own kingdom of Delhi, giving TejAra to 
SultlLn and Alwar to Tardi Kha.n. It is probable, as Erskine 
notes, that NAhar KhAn had expected to be continued in the 
principality of his forefathers. It is certain that he was dis- 
appointed, as he soon after managed to escape from the 
Emperor's camp. As nothing more is related about him, he 
must either have submitted or have died. 

The next notice that I have found about Mew4t is the 
appointment of Hind&l Mirza to the government of the prov- 
ince on the accession of Hum&yun in A.H. 937, or A.D. 1530. 
This post he still held in A.H. 946, or A.D. 1539, when 

* Baber's Memoirs, p. 369. * Baber's Memoirs, p. 367. 


K4mr4n obtained possession of Agra and Delhi. After the 
decisive battle of Kanauj in the following year, Hindftl again 
proceeded to Alwar, which was his j&gir, but was soon obliged 
to fly on the advance of Sher ShAh.^ 

On the accession of IslAm Sh^h in A.H. 952=A.D. 1545, 
MewAt was held in ]4gir by KhawAs KhAn, the famous 
general of Sher Sh4h, and there Adil KhAn, the elder brother 
of IslAm, took refuge on discovering the king's treachery 
Khaw4s Kh&n went into rebellion, and the royal troops sent 
against him were defeated at Firozpur Jhirka,* which was 
probably the head-quarters of KhawAs Kh&n. During 
Islam's reign MewAt was attached to Delhi, as there is an 
inscription fixed in the wall of the Salim S&gar tank in the 
fort of Alwar by Chand KAzi, who was the governor of the 
fort, Hikim Kilah, under IslAm ShAh in A.H. 954. 

On the return of HumAyun in A.H. 962 the country of 
MewAt was bestowed on Tardi Beg Kh^n, but Erskine re- 
marks that " it was not yet conquered."' At the same time 
he musf have been joined by Jam&l Kh4n KhAnzAdah, as 
Blochmann records that — 

*'in A.H. 961 (or 962), when Humiyun returned to India, he enjoin- 
ed his nobles to enter into matrimonial alliances with the zamindirs 
of the country, and, dfter marrying the elder daughter of Jamd.1 Kh4n, 
he asked Bair&m Kh&n to marry the younger one."* 

Jamil Kh&n was the nephew of Hasan KhAn of Mew4t ; but 
it is not stated what lands he held. The issue of Bair&m's 
marriage was the celebrated Mirza Abdur-rahim, KhAn 
KhAn4n, who was born in A.H. 964, and died in 1032. 

In A.H. 963, shortly after Akbar's accession, MewAt was 
permanently annexed to the Mughal Empire of Delhi, and was 
afterwards formed into the two Sirkars of Alwar and TejSra, 
which formed part of the Subah of Agra. 

Under the strong rule of Akbar and his successors the 
power of the KhinzAdahs gradually declined ; and at present 
there is not a single jAgir, or rent-free, village held by a 

' Erskine's Memoirs of Hum&yun, Vol. II, p: 206-195. 

* Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 484. 

• Erskine's Memoirs of Humdyun II 530. 

♦ Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, p. 334.. 


Khftnz&dah in the Alwar state. Some few still remain in 
Nuh and Sohna of the Gurgaon district. Major Powlett, 
who conducted the revenue settlement of the Alwar states, 
notes the following traces of Hinduism still clinging to the 
Kh^nzftdah families :^ 

1. Br&hmans take part in their marriage contracts. 

2. They observe some Hindfi marriage ceremonies. 
3* Their women do not work in the fields. 

The turbulence of the MewA.tis has always been prover- 
bial. The last example of this violent spirit was shown by 
Shamsuddin Kh&n, the jAgirdar of Firozpur Jhirka, who, in 
1836, employed two of his servants to murder Mr. Fraser, 
the Governor General's Agent at Delhi. The j^gir had been 
conferred on his father Ahmed Baksh Khan in 1803 by Lord 
Lake. Shamsuddin wished to deprive his younger brother of 
his proper share of the estate, which Mr. Fraser opposed. 
He then employed his servants to murder Mr. Fraser, in the 
hope that his successor might be more favourable to his 
view. He was executed at Delhi. 


The Mevs, or Meos, form the bulk of the population of 
Mewdt. Abul Fazl writes the name Mewrahy and says that 
they are natives of MewAt, and that they were famous as 
runners.* One thousand of them were employed by Akbar 
as post-carriers, and were called Ddk-Mewrahs. They claim 
to be of RajpAt origin, and to have been converted to 
Muhammadanism by Shahid Sdldr^ of Bahraich. That they 
are of Hindft origin is quite certain, as the claim is univer- 
sally acknowledged, and because they still retain a number 
of Hindft customs. The following peculiarities are recorded 
by Major Powlett, who, as Settlement Officer of the Alwar 
state, enjoyed singular opportunities for observation : — 

I .—A Meo does not marry a woman of his own P41. 
2.— Brihmans take part in the ceremonies preceding. 

^Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol, III, p. 202. 
' Blochmann*s Ain-i-Akbari, p. 252. 


3. — They often keep Br4hmans to write the marriage pro- 
posals [pila- ^ch ittt) . 

4. — They take Hindfi names, such as Singh. 

5.— At new moon Meos cease labour, like Ahirs and Gujars. 

6. — For a new well Meos build a chabutra to Bhairon or 

7. — The men wear a dhoti and a kamli, not paijimas. 

8.— The women tattoo themselves, a practice disapproved 
by Musalm&ns. 

9. — ^They observe the Holi as a season of rough play. 

The religion of the Meos is not very strict, as they seldom 
have any mosque, only eight having been found by Major 
Powlett in 52 Meo villages. They still reverence the local 
divinities of the Hindus, such as Bhaiya^ a platform with white 
stones, who is also called Bhumia^ and ChahUnd, or Khera 
Deo. Their chief Muhammadan display is the worship of the 
Sdldr^ or banner of SM^rMasAud, which is held in every Meo 
village at the Shab-i-Barftt. 

The Meos are divided into twelve pals, or great clans, and 
forty g6ts, or lesser clans. It is a curious fact that the Minas 
also have twelve great clans, of which six have the same names 
as those of the Meos. This has naturally induced Major 
Powlett and others to suppose that the two races may have 
had a common origin. They seem never to have had any 
chiefs of their own, but to have been at first subject to the 
JAdon R4j4s of Surasena, and afterwards to the Muham- 
madan KhAnzAdahs of Kotila and TejAra. I conclude, there- 
fore, that as they have always formed the bulk of the popu- 
lation of Mewit, they must have had some sort of family 
connection with the J4don RAjputs and their descendants, the 
KhinzAdah MusalmAns. In fact nearly one-half of their chief 
clans, or five p41s out of twelve, claim descent from JAdon 
ancestors. The following list gives the names of their alleged 
progenitors. — 

5 Jddon clans . .1. Chhirkilit. 

2. D41at. 

3. Demr6t. 

4. Nai. 

5. Pundel6t. 


5 Tomar clans . . i, BalAt. 

2. DarwAr. 

3. Kalesa. 

4. Lund&vat. 

5. Rattawat. 
I Kachhwdha dan i. DingAl. 

I Bargujar clan i. Sing4L 

12 clans 
and a 13th clan named PalAkra. 

The forty g6ts also claim a Rajput origin, as, for instance, 
the Parihftr Mevs of five villages around the old town of Bis 
to the north of Alwar. Many of these claims may, perhaps, 
be true on the father's side. But whatever may be their origin, 
the Mevs form the most important class of the population of 
Mewit, which includes the eastern half of the Alwar state, 
the northern half of the Bharatpur state, and the southern 
half of the British district of Gurgaon, with a part of 
Mathura. They are most numerous in the Gurgaon district 
adjoining Alwar, and least numerous in Bharatpur, where 
they come in contact with the Minas on the south. Accord- 
ing to the census returns the following are the numbers of 
the Meos of Mew4t : — 

In Gurgaon . , . 114,693 

Alwar . . . . 97,000 
Bharatpur , . . 47,476 

Total . 259,169 

or upwards of 260,000, including those in Mathura. But it is 
their relative numbers with regard to the other classes of the 
population that gives them their chief importance Thus, in 
Gurgaon they form one-sixth, in Alwar one-eighth, and in 
Bharatpur one-sixteenth of the whole population. Their 
original occupation of the Alwar territory is more distinctly 
shown by the number of their landed proprietorships, as the 
Meos still form nearly one-ihird of the whole number of 
zamindars, although the Meos themselves form only one- 
sixth of the whole population. At the present day they are 
all Muhammadans. I believe that their conversion does not 


date earlier than the reign of Firoz Tughlak, as before his 
time the Mewfttis are invariably spoken of as Hindus and 
infidels. Many traces of their Hindft origin are still preserv- 
ed, especially in the ceremonies attending their marriages. 
But the custom of tattooing, which is common amongst the 
women, seems to point to a connection with the lower classes 
of Hindis, and perhaps also with the aboriginal Minas, rather 
than to any relationship with the Rajputs. These may, how- 
ever, have been R&jput on the side of the fathers, while the 
mothers preserved the customs of the lower races to which 
they belonged. 

Of one of the peculiar customs of the Meos I was in part 
an actual witness. In rich families, when a man dies, it is the 
custom for his relatives to give a great feast. MihiAb Kh&n, 
a Meo of the Gorw4l-g6t, and zamind^Lr of Raoli, 7 miles to 
the south of Firozpur-Jhirka, died in October 1882. It is 
usual to celebrate the funeral feast on the fortieth day after the 
death ; but owing to the grand scale on which this feast was 
planned, the interval was extended to four months. The sons 
of Mihr^b Kh&n invited their Meo brethren from all the coun- 
try round to attend the feast on the 26th and 27th February 
1883. I arrived at Raoli on the 28th, but several of my ser- 
vants had reached Raoli on the previous evening and saw 
a part of the feast* The eldest son is now a servant of the 
Alwar state in charge of Naogaon, 

The feast is called Shakardna^ or the " Sugar Feast," 
from the quantity of sweetmeats prepared for it. About ten 
thousand people, both men and women, are said to have at- 
tended. Bedsteads were collected from all the villages 
around, and weVe set out in front of all the Meos' houses for 
the accommodation of the guests. The following was the 
bill of fare — 

100 maunds, or 3^ tons of sugar. 
200 maunds, or 7 tons of rice. 
30 maunds, or i ton of ghi. 

The sons of Mihr^b Kh4ngave to the MerAsis, who sang 
the songs, two camels and one gold mohur, besides cloth- 
ing and other things. On the 27th one maund and a half of 


d^l (split peas) and 8 or lo maunds of atta (bread) were pre- 
pared for such of the relatives as still remained. The party 
broke up on the 28th. 

The Mirdsts are the bards or singers of the Meos at all 
their marriages and funerals. At a marriage feast the most 
popular song is the love story of DaryA KhAn Meo and 
Sasi'badani Mini. The scene of most Meo legends is laid 
at Aj&ngarh, an old fort in the hills, only 4 miles to the west 
of K&man. 

Todar Mall, who was the zamindir of Ajingarh, used to 
repeat the following verse : — 

P4nch pah4r ke rijahi, aur pflro tero dall, 
Adhe Akbar B4dsh4h, 4dhe PAhat Todar Mall. 

** In the Kingdom of the five hills, with its force complete, half is 
Akbar BAdshib's, half PAhat Todar Mall's." 

This saying was repeated to Akbar, who sent for Todar 
Mall and demanded why he made himself equal to the 
Emperor. The Meo replied — '* As I am zamindar of the five 
hills, half the produce belongs to me and half to your 
Majesty." Akbar was so pleased with his reply that he gave 
Todar Mall a Jagir^ with rank in the army. It happened 
afterwards that Todar Mall was sent on an expedition in 
company with BAdi Rao, Mina. The latter took the Meo to 
his house, where they drank wine together and became 
friends. Then Todar Mall said to the Mina — " My wife will 
shortly give birth to a child : — if a girl, I will give her in mar- 
riage to your son ; if a boy he will marry your daughter, 
Todar MalPs wife gave birth to a son, who was named DaryS. 
Kh4n, and BAdA Rao's wife gave birth to a daughter, who 
was named Sasi-badani^ or " moon-like body," or " moon- 

When the children reached ten years of age B4d4 Rao 
sent the Tikd to Daryft Khin, the son of Todar, and after 
a year a Bardt^ or marriage party, started from AjAngarh with 
several hundreds of Meos for the village of B4d4 Rao. When 
the bridegroom reached the house, he struck the toran over 
the door (according to custom) by making his horse leap, for 


otherwise, being a boy, he could not have reached it. The 
marriage ceremony was thus complete ; but, as the Minas 
wished the Meos to eat flesh with them, as well as to drink 
wine, the Meos pretended that the Emperor of Delhi's troops 
had attacked their village, and so the whole bar4t party 
retired, leaving Sasi-badani in her father's house. 

When the girl grew older she sent a letter to DaryA 
Kh&n, but it was unfortunately given to Todar Mall, who beat 
the messenger. A second letter was afterwards safely deli- 
vered to DaryA Khan, who at once mounted his horse and 
started for the Mina village. As he approached, a woman 
carrying a basket of cowdung (called hail) saw him, and 
throwing her basket down rushed off at once to Sasubadani^ 
to whom she said — 

Beti B4d4 Rao ki sunyon mhiri ter ; 
Awat dekho malko men n6 adbhar dAri hail. 

'* O B&d& Rao's daughter, listen to my word ; '' I saw the Malik 
coming, and threw down my basket of cowdung halfway." 
DaryA Kh&n was kindly received by his father-in-law, and 
the two sat down together and drank freely. But when the 
Mina pressed his son-in-law to eat some kabdb , Dary4 Kh4n 
struck him a blow on the mouth and knocked out two of his 
teeth. Then all the Minas drew their swords, and would have 
killed DaryA Kh^n at once, but B4d4 Rao's son interposed, 
and took him inside the house to his sister Sasi-badani. At 
night DaryA KhAn fled with Sasi-badani, and was pursued by 
the Minas. .But he reached his uncle's house in safety, when 
the MinAs dropped the pursuit. 

This story of DaryA Khan Meo and Sasi-badani Mini is a 
very popular one, and their song is sung at every new mar- 
riage by the mirftsis, or bards. One result of this affair has 
been the discontinuance of marriages between the Meos and 
Minas, which previously had been common. 

Whatever truth there may be in the above story, the 
people generally refer to it as the cause of the discontinu- 
ance of marriages between the Meos and Minas, which up 
to that time had been common. The acknowledgment of 


previous intermarriages seems to offer rather a strong proof 
that the Meos must have been a cognate race with the Minas, 
holding the same social position — higher, perhaps, than the 
Ahirs and other agricultural classes, but decidedly far below 
the Rajputs, from whom they claim descent. I am inclined, 
therefore, to agree with Major Powlett that the Meos and 
Minas may have had a common origin. I have a suspicion 
that they may be the descendants of the Megall^, mentioned 
by Pliny, who dwelt between the Indus and the Jumna, ap- 
parently bordering on the Jumna. As the name is spelt 
Mewar^L, as well as Mev, I think that Akbar must have 
revived the old form which gives a very near approach to 

Another song which is equally popular amongst the Meos 
is the story of LAli, which is also referred to the time of 
Akbar. During his reign it is said that an officer named 
Ahl4d Singh Chauh4n was deputed by the Emperor to take 
charge of MewAt. Some of his soldiers were encamped near 
a well called Alakh-ka-K6a at AjAngarh, when a Mew^ti 
woman, named Lftli, wife of Jodh Singh, son of Raybhin, gave 
birth to a son. On the 6th day (called r A A^/z afterwards) she 
insisted on going to worship at the Alakh well according to 
the custom of Hindu women. Her husband tried to dissuade 
her, but she was firm, and having dressed herself in her best 
clothes she was going to the well. As she started, her hus- 
band's wife said to her tauntingly " Are you a royal lady 
that you go now to worship at the well ? *' on which LAli 
replied — 

Susar base pahdr men^ our bdp base Pdlu 
Koa pujUn Alakh koy to nam zdd Ldlt. 

** Father-in-law lives on the hill, and father lives at P4Ii : 
" If I don't worship at Alakh's well, my name's not LAli." 

She then turned to her husband and said : — 

Raybhdn ke Jodh Singh jdgi teri tegh. 

' Kod pujd de Alakh kd natar phir na chariyo sej\ 
" O Jodh Singh, son of Raybhftn, get your sword ready. 
''Take me to worship at Alakh's well, or come not to my bed 



She then went to the well with some other women, all 
singing, when the Chauh&n soldiers began to jeer them. A 
fight took place between the Meos of Aj&ngarh and the 
Chauh&n soldiers, in which Jodh Singh and several others 
were killed.' 

L&li returned to her house after worshipping at the well, 
and then taking a lotA of water, she ran back to the well to 
give her husband a drink. She found him lying dead, with 
his moustaches in disorder, and his teeth exposed, as if gnash- 
ing in rage. She then said — 

Muchariydn phar-phar kareriy hasen battson dant, 
Ab dhSn dhdpyunahin^ merd bard jujhdru kanth. 

"With flying (flapping) moustaches, and 32 laughing teeth, 
** Still not satisfied with fighting, my great hero husband.'' 

The Meos, or Mevs, have always been noted for their 
turbulence ; and this story of L&li only corroborates the 
general opinion, for the woman seems to have been quite 
aware that her going to the well would lead to a feud. During 
the first centuries of Muhammadan rule the Mewitis were 
treated with the most merciless cruelty. They were hunted 
down like beasts, and massacred in thousands at a time. 
Thus, in A.H. 658, or A.D. 1260, Ulugh KhAn, the minister 
of Nasiruddin M&hmud, invaded the KohpAyah, or hills of 
MewAt. Then the people of those places who were '* knaves, 
Hindus, thieves, and highway robbers, were all put to the 
swordy One silver tank4 was offered for every head, and 
two for every prisoner brought in alive. On the return of the 
army to Delhi the prisoners were taken to the Hauz Rini, out- 
side the Badaun gate of Delhi. There some were thrown under 
the feet of elephants ; others were cut in halves with knives, 
" one hundred and odd rebels were flayed from head to foot, 
and at the hand of their skinners they quaffed, in the goblet 
of their own heads, the sherbet of* death." Even the Mu- 
hammadan historiam himself admits that such an example 
of retribution was made that no one had ever heard a tale so 
terrible. Six years later the same leader, who had then 

^The Chauhan commander was also killed. 


become the Emperor Balban, again invaded Mew&t, when he 
is said to have put 100,000 Mew&tis to the sword.^ 

So common was this style of treatment that it passed 
into a proverb as the proper way of treating Mew&tis. The 
saying is attributed to Akbar, but it was probably much older. 
Pahle Idt^ pichhe bdt^ which may be shortly translated as 
*' First beat, then treat,'* Another common form of the say- 
ing is — 

Dekhi teri Mewdty 
Pahle gdli, pichhe, bat, 

" See what a place is your Mewit, 
Where abuse must precede talk/' 

Some people, however, refer the abuse to the rudeness of 
the Mew^Ltis themselves, who are said always to begin their 
speech with abuse. But this explanation seems much less 
probable than the other, which is, besides, borne out by 
a variant version, which gives Pakle Ht^ pichhe bdt^ or '* First 
kick them, and then talk to them/' 

The same harsh treatment was continued down to our 

own times, when the Mahrattas had possession of the country. 

Under M. Perron's rule it was a common custom to immure 

the MewAtis alive between four walls. But, as Buchanan 

Hamilton says, — 

"This system of terror wholly failed, for, notwithstanding the im- 
pending tortures that threatened them, the MewAti outrages continued 
to increase, and the peaceful part of the community were kept in a 
state of unceasing alarm and anxiety. In 1807 a correspondence was 
opened with some of the chiefs by Mr. Seton, then resident at Delhi, 
and some measures of a mild, conciliatory nature adopted towards the 
Mew&tis, which, although they did not entirely extinguish, so much 
repressed, their habits of rapine that we now comparatively hear but 
little of them.'' 


Since I wrote my first account of Mathura in 1861, 1 have 
paid several visits to the old city and its neighbourhood, 
partly for the purpose of seeing the new sculptures and 

* Raverty's Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 852. 


inscriptions, which were exhumed from time to time, and part- 
ly with the view of ascertaining the exact site of the ancient 
city.^ Since then also Mr. Growse has done much towards 
settling this important point. During his long residence at 
Mathura he studied the subject in all its bearings, and to 
most of his conclusions I give my cordial assent. The fol- 
lowing are the principal results of his examination :" 

1 . The oldest city of the aboriginal king Madhu was at 

Madhupura, now Maholi. 

2. The Aryan city, after the defeat of Madhu, was built 

on the site of the present Katra, with the Bhuteswar 
Temple as its centre. 

3.' The Jumna Fort is the last city. 

1 had already arrived at his second conclusion as to the 
site of the ancient Aryan city from an examination of the 
ground, compared with Hwen Thsang's statements as to the 
relative positions of the different Buddhist monuments. The 
people also are unanimous in their belief that the Katra was 
the site of the ancient city. 

But the Katra stands in the Kesopura Mahalla of the 
present day ; and, as there can be little doubt that the great 
temple of Kesava had stood on this site from a very early 
date, although often thrown down and as often renewed, I 
think that Kesopura must be the Klisobora or Kaisobora of 
Arrian, and the Clisohora of Pliny. But if this identification 
be admitted, it follows that the Jumna, in accordance with 
their statements, must have flowed under the walls of the 
Katra, or Kesopura, and between it and the city of Mathura, 
or Methora, as they both write the name. And this I believe 
to have been the case. There is, even at the present day, a 
deep channel immediately under the walls of the Katra, which 
must once have been either the bed of the Jumna itself, or of 
some considerable branch of the river. I examined the 
ground carefully both to the north and the west of the city, 
with a large-scale map in my hand. I ascended several of 

* Archaeological Survey, Vol. I, p. 231 ; Vol. Ill, p. 14; and Vol. XVII now in 
the press. 

' Growse's Mathura, p. 216. 


the principal mounds, and I was able to trace the course of 
an old channel, from where it leaves the present bed of the 
river near Jaysinghpur right down to the Katra^ after passing 
which it turns to the south-east, and sweeps round the 
southern end of the city into the Jumna. 

This old channel also attracted the attention of Mr. 
Grouse, who states that — 

" A tributary stream, the bed of which is now partly occupied by 
the Delhi road, did certainly flow past the Katra. This being joined 
at the point, still called the Sangam^ or " confluence," by another con- 
siderable water-course from the opposite direction, fell into the chan- 
nel now crossed by the Seth's bridge, and so reached the Jumna." ^ 

So unmistakeable are the remains of this old channel that 

they attracted the attention of the French traveller Tavemier 

in the middle of the 17th century. Speaking of the great 

temple of Kesava Deva before it was desecrated by Aurang- 

zeb, he describes it as — 

" one of the most sumptu6us edifices in all India, and the place to 
which the greatest number of pilgrims was wont to resort. But now 
there are very few or none, the idolaters having insensibly lost the 
reverence which they had for that pagod, since the river of Yemena 
(Jumna) that formerly ran by that pagoda has changed its course 
above half a league from it." * 

It seems probable, therefore, that the Jumna had not de- 
serted the Katra channel before the time of Hwen Thsang in 
A.D. 635, as he describes his visit to the monastery of 
Upagupta at 5 or 6 li (about i mile) to the east of the 
capital, without making any mention of the river. I take the 
monastery of Upagupta to be the present old fort on the 
bank of the Jumna, which is just about i mile to the east of 
the Katra. At that time I suppose the city of Mathura to 
have been situated on the east, or left, bank of the Katra 
channel of the Jumna, and immediately opposite Kesopura, 
or Kesobora. 

In the beginning of the 5th century Mathura was visited 
by the pilgrim Fa-Hian, who states that he "crossed the 

* Growse's Mathura, p. 120. 

8 Taverni en's Travels (English translation). Part II, B. 3, ch. 12. See also 
Plate 1 1 of the present volume for a map of Mathura. 


Puna (Jabuna or Jumna), on the banks of which there were 
20 monasteries, with some 3,000 priests."' Unfortunately we 
do not know by which road he travelled from the Panjftb, 
whether by the northern route vid Mirat and Koel, or by the 
southern route vid Delhi. By the former he must have 
crossed the Jumna twice to reach the present city of Mathura. 
By the latter he would not have crossed the river at all, 
unless the city had then been on its eastern or left bank. If, 
then, he actually crossed the Jumna, the waters of the river 
must still have flowed down the Katra channel, between 
Kesopura and Mathura, as in the time of Alexander the 

About two months after writing the above discussion, I 
found the following passage in Abu Rihan's chapter on the 
Geography of India : ' 

which is thus translated by M. Reinand — 

** Mahoura se trouve sur la rive orientale du fleuve Djun." 

On turning to the corresponding passage of Rashid- 
uddin's Persian version, I find the same statement repeated — 

«• «• 

which Sir Henry Elliot translates thus :^ 

*^ This city lies on the eastern bank of the Jumna«'' 

This passage has been completely altered by Dowson,* 
who writes, " The river Jumna lies to the east of this city," 
(Mathura) without any remark as to the discrepancy ; I pre- 
sume that it must have escaped his notice. Even Elliot him- 
self would seem not to have noticed the importance of his 
own translation, as, in his remarks on MAhmud, he says, 

> Giles's translation of Fa Hian's Travels, p. 28. 

* Reinaud : Fragments Arabes et Persans, p. 82. Arabic Text, p. 100 (French 

' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians (ist edition), p. 34 of Persian text, and p. 35 
of English translation. 

^ Dowson's edition of Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. I, p. 54. 



Cross the Jumna from Mah&ban to Mathura, and then re- 
cross it to go to Kanauj/* 

Utbi, the contemporary historian of M&hmud, simply says 
that MAhmud proceeded from Kulchand's fort (MahAban) to 
Maharatu-1-Hindy which all subsequent writers have identified 
with Mathura. From thence he marched to Kanauj. In 
neither case does Utbi mention the Jumna, although he had 
previously noted all the rivers of the PanjAb passed by 
MAhmud, and the Jawan (or Jumna) itself before reaching 
Baran (or Bulandshahr). Ferishta, who copies Utbi pretty 
closely, also omits any mention of crossing the Jumna. I 
conclude, therefore, that the statement of Abu Rihan is correct 
for the time of MAhmud ; and that Rashid-ud-din's Persian 
version is a mere copy which consequently refers to the same 
period. At what time the change may have taken place 
I can find no record. 

In my last report I have described the latest discoveries 
made at Mathura, including the find of a statue of Herakles 
strangling the Nemaean lion, which was evidently copied 
from some Grecian model/ The sculptures exhumed have 
been collected together in a small local museum, which, 
though convenient for comparison, is useless for information, 
as no record has been kept of the spots where the different 
objects were found. In the accompanying plate I have given 
photographs of gome of these sculptures, of which the actual 
find-spots are now unknown." 

The largest of these sculptures is unfortunately broken, 
but enough remains to show that it represents a royal N4gni 
or Queen of the NAgas, attended by five NAgnis. The figures 
are nearly life-size, and the sculpture must have occupied 
some prominent position where it could have been seen on 
all sides, as the back of it is completely carved with the trunk 
and branches of a great tree. The style of the tree is similar 
to that of the back of the group from Kota, which is given in 
the same plate.^ The principal figure was canopied by nine 

> See Vol. XVII, Plate 30. 

'See Plates III and IV. 

' See Plate III, upper figures. 


snakes' heads, of which only the necks are now left. The 
Queen's right-hand is raised towards her head, but there is 
nothing else to show what was her action. The five attendant 
N&gnis are naked to below the navel, where a zone of five 
strings encircles the loins, and supports some drapery, which 
probably concealed the lower portions of their figures. This 
is a common device of the old Buddhist sculptors, to avoid 
the representation of the snaky lower extremities. 

From the carefully carved tree on the back of this sculp- 
ture, it is certain that the group was intended for some 
prominent position, where it could be seen on all sides. The 
two large Bacchanalian groups which were found at Mathu- 
ra by Colonel Stacy and Mr. Growse, were also intended for 
similar isolated positions. But they are both hollowed out 
on the top, as if they were used as altars. The small group 
of two females from Kota, which I have given in the same 
plate with the N4gni group, is likewise hollowed out on the 
top. But, as the great N&gni group must have ended in a 
pyramidal form with the middle attendant figure forming the 
apex, I cannot even make a guess as to its probable use. 

Amongst the sculptures collected at the Mathura Museum, 
there is one of undoubted Jaina origin, which is believed 
to have been brought either from the Kank41i mound, or 
from* one of the mounds in that direction. It represents a 
naked Jaina figure standing; on a pedestal with his left hand 
resting on his hip, and his right hand raised as if in the act 
of teaching.* On each side a human-headed NAga, with a 
canopy of seven snakes' hoods, rises from a well with joined 
hands in adoration of the Jaina saint. Above, are five musi- 
cal instruments, belonging to the heavenly Dundubhis, who 
remain unseen. These are the panchamahdsabda ; namely, — 
(i) sringUf the horn; (2) tammata, the drum; (3) sankha^ 
the shell; (4) bheriy the trumpet; (5)7^^^^^^^;^^^, the cymbal. 

But the most puzzling of the Mathura sculptures are the 
four which I have collected together in Plate IV, figures 2, 
3, 4, 5. They are now in the local museum, without any 
record of the place where they were found. When I first 

See Plate III, lower figures. ' See Plate IV, figure i. 

c 1 


saw these figures they were in the Mahalla of Manoharpur in 
the city. Each of the females has a small child lying in a 
dish on her lap. The left hand supports the dish, but the 
right is raised up to the shoulder. Both females appear to 
be naked. 

Both of the males are represented with the same action. 
The larger figure carries a pair of children, male and female, 
in his left hand, each being grasped by one arm at full stretch. 
The right hand of the figure is raised to the shoulder, in the 
same position as the right hands of the females. On each 
shoulder a small child is seated facing the head of the figure. 
The smaller figure is exactly the same as the larger one, ex- 
cepting that it carries only one child by its outstretched 

I can find no clue to these curious ox-headed figures. 
At first I thought that they might be yakshas and yakshinis 
of gigantic size preparing to eat the children. But the small 
figures seated on the shoulders of the two male giants seem 
to point to a more friendly connection between the two 

Diligent search was made through the city of Mathura 
for sculptures and inscriptions. I revisited the old fort on 
the bank of the Jumna above Sital-Gh&ti. The site is a 
very commanding one, but I failed to find any ancient re- 
mains. Some years ago I found on the Sital-gh4ti mound 
a broken Jaina figure naked, with an Indo-Scythian inscrip- 
tion, dated in the year 57, both in words and in figures- 
This was afterwards placed by Mr. Growse in the local 

From' the first mound I proceeded to the north-west to 
the Arjunpura Mahalla mound, on which there were many 
fragments of sculpture, with numerous large bricks 18 X 10 
X 24 inches. Amongst them I found a small Buddhist pillar 
of 7i by 6 inches section, with lotus flowers on the face, and 
the following short inscription in three lines of old Asoka 
characters* See Plate V, figure i — 


Amogha-Rakhitaye dinatn. 
" Gift of Amoghi-Rakshiti." 


Still further to the north of Arjunpura, in R&ni-ki- 
Mandi, an inscription was obtained from a Cham&r^ who had 
found it 15 years ago in an old well at 18 haths, or 27 feet, 
below the surface. The well was regularly built of large 
old bricks. The inscription, which is roughly carved on the 
pedestal of a broken statue,, is now in the Indian Museum 
in Calcutta. A copy of it is given in the accompanying 
Plate V, figure 6. I believe that many of the strokes that 
look like vowels are mere slips of the chiseL 
The inscription opens with the invocation — 

Namo Arahantdnam! namo Siddhdnam ! * 

" Glory to the Arahantas ! Glory to the Siddhas !*' 

Then comes the date, Sam. 62, Gr. 3, di. 5. " In the 
year 62, in the 3rd month (or fortnight) of Grish'ma, the 5th 
day." The last two words of the inscription seem to be 
vdpikdye detti^ and to refer to the well [vdpi) in which the 
inscription was found. 

There are traces of buildings and fragments of sculp- 
tures on the great Jaysinghpura mound, one mile to the north 
of the city, and to the west of the road leading to Brind&-> 
ban. Here Mr. Growse records that " several Buddhist 
sculptures have been found at different times, and collected 
at a shrine of ChA.mund& Devi.'' Some of the best were 
removed to the local museum. 

One of the most certain proofs of the antiquity of a place 
is the number of ancient coins that are found every year 
amongst its ruins. In this respect Mathura is one of the 
most prolific fields in Northern India. Here are found 
the old punch-marked pieces of silver and copper, which 
were most probably current as early as the time of Buddha. 
Here also are found silver hemidrachmas of the Greek 
princes Menander, ApoUodotus, Antimachus, and Straton. 
Then follow the copper coins of the Hindii princes Purusha- 
datta, R&ma-datta, &c. Next come the coins of the 
Indo-Scythian kings Wema, Kadphises, Kanishka, Huvish- 
ka and Vasu Deva (both gold and copper), who ruled over 
Northern India during the ist and 2nd centuries of the 
Christian era. These are succeeded by the coins of the 


great Gupta kings in gold, silver, and copper. Next come 
the thin pieces of Indo-Sassanian type belonging to the 6th, 
7th, and 8th centuries. Then follow the Hindu coins of the 
Rathors of Kanauj and the Tomars and Chauh&ns of Delhi, 
And, lastly, come the coins of the Muhammadan kings of 
Delhi from the conquest by Mahomed bin Sim down to the 
present day. 

There are no ancient buildings now standing at Mathura. 
As one of the most holy seats of the Hindu religion, the city 
was repeatedly harried by the more bigoted Muhammadan 
princei — by MAhmud of Ghazni in A.D. 1018, by Sikandar 
Lodi about 1500 A.D., and, lastly, by Aurangzeb in A.D. 

Of Sikandar Lodi it is related that— 

" He entirely ruined the shrines of Mathura,' the mine of heathen- 
ism, and turned their principal Hindii places of worship into cara« 
vanserais and colleges. Their stone images were given to the 
butchers to serve them as meat weights, and all the - Hindfis in 
Mathura were strictly prohibited from shaving their heads and 
beards, and performing their ablutions. He thus put an end to all 
the idolatrous rites of the infidels there ; *and no Hindfi, if he wished 
to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber to do it." ^ 

After this merciless harrying the city of Mathura must 
have been nearly deserted ; and was very probably, as Mr. 
Growse thinks, " only a place of pilgrimage/' And, accord- 
ingly, we learn that the site on which the present Nab- 
Masjid stands was purchased by Abdun Nabi from some 
butchers.* From its commanding position, this was no doubt 
the site of one of the Hindu temples destroyed by Sikandar 

During the tolerant reign of AkbAr, RAjA M4n Singh built 
the great temple at Brindftban ; and in the following reign of 
JahAngir the Rk]k of Urcha, Bir Singh Deo, who had won 
the Emperor's favour by the assassination of Abul Fazl, was 
permitted to rebuild the temple of Kesava Deva on the site 
of the Katra. This is the temple which was seen by Tavemier 
in all its glory, about forty years after it was finished. But 

» H. M. Elliot's History of India, Vol. IV, p. 447. 
* Growse's Mathura, p. 33. 


some twelve or fifteen years later it was overthrown by 

" Glory be to God," says the author of the MaAsir — " that so 
diiScult an undertaking has been successfully accomplished in the 
present auspicious reign, wherein so many dens of heathenism and 
idolatry have been destroyed. Seeing the power of Isl&m and the 
efficacy of true religion, the proud ^k]Sis felt their breath burning 
in their throats, and became as dumb as a picture on a wall. The 
idols, large and small alike, all adorned with costly jewels, were 
carried away from the heathen shrines and taken to Agra, where 
they were buried under the steps of Nawib Kudsia Begam's Mosque, 
so that people might trample upon them for ever. It was from this 
event that Mathura was called Isl&mab&d."^ 

Mr. Growse fixes the date of the destruction of the great 
temple of Kesava Deva in February 1669, when Aurangzeb 
visited Mathura in person.' In my second report, written 
in 1862-63, I had already discovered that the temple was 
still standing in A.D. 1663, and I verified the charge against 
Aurangzeb " by means of some inscriptions on the pavement 
slabs, which were recorded by HindCl pilgrims to the shrine of 
Kesava Ray. In relaying the pavement the Muhammadan 
architect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them fit 
into their new places. This was proved by several of the Slabs 
bearing incomplete portions of NAgari inscriptions of a late 
date. One slab has ".^.vat. 1713, PhAlgun," the initial Sam 
of Samvat having been cut off. Another slab has the name of 
Keso Ray, the rest being wanting, while a third bears the 
date of Samvat 1720. These dates are equivalent to A.D. 
1656 and 1663 ; and, as the latter is five years subsequent to 
the accession of Aurangzeb, it is certain that the Hindii 
temple was still standing at the beginning of his reign. 

Parkham is an old village situated on a low mound close 

Quoted in Growse's Mathura, p. 36. I am not aware of a single instance of 
the use of this name for Mathura. The greaX fort of Tahangarh m Karaulii near 
Bayana, was called Kilah Islimabid. 
' Growse — Memoir on Mathura, p. 35. 


to the railway station between Agra and Mathura, 25 miles 
from the former place and 14 miles from the latter. It has 
hitherto escaped notice, as it lies several miles to the west 
of the high road leading from Agra to Mathura. It is simply 
mentioned by Mr. Growse, in his valuable account of the 
Mathura district, as a village of 678 inhabitants, where *' a 
fair in honour of Jakhaiya is held every Sunday in the month 
of M4gh."' 

But Parkham is remarkable for the possession of the 
oldest statue that has yet been found in the Mathura district, 
which has yielded so much sculpture of the Indo-Scythian 
period. The statue is a colossal standing figure of a man 
cut in the round, 7 feet in height from head to foot and 
2 feet broad across the shoulders.' The left knee is slightly 
bent. Both arms are broken, and the face has been nearly 
obliterated by repeated libations and anointments with ghi and 
red lead, which have left a very hard and unsightly crust of 
dirt on the breast. The figure is clothed from head to foot 
in a loose flowing garment, which is secured by two broad 
bands, one round the waist, and the other round the loins. 
The whole body is much too bulky ; and seen from the side 
the two bands look exactly as if they were intended to support 
its pot-belly. 

The statue is made of grey sandstone, and still retains 
many traces of having been highly polished. The figure is 
called Devata, or " the God, '' and has been in its present 
position for an unknown length of time. All the other 
remains at Parkham are of red sandstone, and comparatively 
modern. Both arms being broken off just below the shoul- 
ders, it is difficult to say what was the action of the figure. 
But I suspect that the statue was that of a yaksha, or atten- 
dant demi-god, who carried a chauri over the right shoulder. 
The dress is very peculiar, and has nothing whatever in com- 
mon with that of the later figures of the Indo-Scythian 
period. There is a short garland or necklace round the 

• Archaeological Survey, Vol. I, p. 235. 

' Growse's Mathura, p. 403. 

' See Plate VI for two views of this statue. 


neck, which is ornamented at the back with four dependent 

But the most interesting point about this statue is an 
inscription in two lines on the upper surface of the base 
pedestal one line outside the left foot, and the other line 
outside the right foot. As the characters ar6 those of the 
Asoka period, the statue must belong to the 3rd century B.C. 
The accompanying sketches, which are copied from photo- 
graphs, will give a very good idea of the costume of the 
statue, and of its present state. 

The inscription I read as follows : — 

Left. — ^Nibhadapugari * * * * garate * * 
/?i^A/.— -Kunikatev&sini gom&takena katd.^ 


The small village of Mahwan is situated on a long high 
mound on the west side of the Agra road, 13 miles to the 
south of Mathura. The mound is covered with broken bricks, 
and fragments of stone, amongst which was found a small 
piece bearing the representation of the lower part of a flight 
of steps. On the third step from below, a piair of feet still 
remain, and on the bottom step there is a kneeling figure 
with hands joined in adoration. Below the sculpture there is 
engraved the number 23 in characters of the Indo-Scythian 
period. — See Plate V, figure 3. 

The figure on the bottom step I take to be the nun 
Pundarlka Varna, who, wishing to see BClddha, was changed 
by his power into a Chakravartti king, by which transform- 
ation she was able to make her way to the foot of the 
Sangkasya flight of steps, by which Bfiiddha was to descend 
from heaven to earth. After having seen Bftddha she re- 
sumed her proper figure as a nun. 

The stone is only 5^ inches broad, and most probably 
formed part of a pillar of small Bftddhist railing. 

The same scene is represented on a small bas-relief of 
soapstone, which was found at Sankisa itself. A sketch of it 
is given in Archaeological Survey, Vol. XI, Plate IX, figure 2. 

^ See Plate VI for the statue and its inscriptions. 


IX.— mahAban. 

After reading Mr, Growse's very full and careful report 
on the antiquities of Mah&ban, I had on two or three occa- 
sions left the place unvisited, as I thought that there would 
be little to repay me/ But whilst I was in the neighbourhood 
of,Mathura during the past season, I crossed the Jumna to 
MahAban for the purpose of examining the great Masjid, 
called Assi-khamba^ or the " eighty pillars/' in the old fort 
which is built entirely of Hindii materials. During my visit I 
was fortunate enough to obtain a long Hindft inscription of 
29 lines of R&jd. Ajaya PAla Deva, dated in Samvat 1207, or 
A.D. 1 1 50. 

The only ancient remains now standing at Mah&ban are 
the Hind A pillars in the long building known as Assukhamba^ 
or the " eighty pillars," which has been appropriated by the 
Hindus as the scene of Krishna's infancy under the name of 
Chhatti'pdlnd.* It is, however, a simple masjid, which was 
made up of HindA materials in the time of Aurangzeb. It 
consists of five rows of fifteen pillars, most of them manufac- 
tured by the Muhammadan architect by joining pieces of 
different pillars, one on top of the other. 

Three of the shorter pillars (lower portions of the present 
Muhammadan columns) are only 4J feet in height, and have 
sloping channels cut in the side to receive the edges of the 
sloping balustrades of a temple balcony. Two of these are 
very highly decorated, while one is nearly plain. Several 
pieces of these balustrades were found by Mr. Growse when 
digging the foundation of the- back- wall, and are now inserted 
in the face of the south wall. 

As to the make-up of the pillars, I can point to the two 
ornamented balcony shafts, which are made up to the requi- 
site height by square rough blocks. In the front row also 
two of the largest pillars are made up by placing two lower 
pieces of 3^ feet in circumference on the top of two upper 

» Growse's Mathura, p. «5i. 

* Chatti means " sixth, " and refers to the 6th day after child-birth, when the 
Chaiti'Pujat or purification is performed. Poind is a "cradle." 

EASTERN RAjf^UTANA IN 1882-83. 43 

pieces, only 3!^ feet in circumference. In several instances, 
also, lions' heads and other ornaments have been placed upside 
down ; and this is more especially noticeable in the case of 
one inscribed pillar, on which the inscribed upper half is placed 
upside down. 

But the most remarkable feature about this Masjid is that 
more than one-half of the southern end consists of the 
MandapUy or nave of a HindA temple almost undisturbed. 
This portion is shown in the plan by dark shading.' There 
are no less than eighteen pillars belonging to this one temple, 
which still retain their original positions, two or three only 
having been disturbed, probably by falling. The strongest 
proof of their being still in situ is the fact that several of the 
HindA roofs yet remain (five out of nine). The centre roof 
and the four comer roofs consist of the usual honeycombed 
circles rising one above the other. The central roof has five 
concentric circles : the comer ones have only two. The other 
three remaining oblong roofs are flat ceilings, with a lotus 
flower in the middle, and a square panel on each side. In 
the angles of the bracket capitals of the central and comer 
roofs there are ornamented pendants, either for the reception 
of figures or for lamps. 

The pillars of this temple are of the same general pattern, 
but differ in the details. 

The two pillars D* and D^ are omamented, while the four 
behind them, C* and C*, B* and B*^, are of the same pattern 
but without ornament. See Plate VII. 

The pillars D® and D® correspond with those behind them, 
— B«, C«, B«, and C«. 

So also D* corresponds with D^, and with B^, and C^, 
but not with B^ and C*, which have been changed. The 
shaft of D^ is also in one piece, while those of B^ and C^ 
are in two pieces, their upper pieces being upside down 
as shown by the bands of ornament, as well as by the inverted 
inscription on C^ noticed by Mr. Growse. 

The whole consists of 80 pillars, in five rows of 16 pillars 

* See Plate VII and Plate VIII, where the undisturbed portion is enlarged. 


each, forming four aisles. For easy reference I have marked 
the longitudinal rows with the letters A, B, C, D, E, and 
the tranverse rows with Nos. i to i6. 

Nearly all the pillars in the front row, E^ to E", are of 
the same pattern, with belts of figures which have been ruth- 
lessly mutilated. As several of their capitals correspond 
with others, now lying on a low mound about loo yards to 
the north-west, I infer that they may all have belonged to 
some temple which once stood on that site. 

At the north end of the Assi-khamba Masjid, there is a 
small tomb of Sayid Yahia of Mashad, under a n!m tree. As 
he is the reputed recoverer of the fort of Mah&ban from the 
Hindis, I presume that he must have destroyed the temple 
and built a mosque in its place. Mr. Growse places this 
event in the reign of Ala-ud-din, or A.H. 695 to 715. 

The two towns of Mah&ban and Gokal are situated so 
close together that they may be considered as separate por- 
tions of the original old town of Gokal. This is also the 
opinion of Mr. Growse, who brings forward the weighty argu- 
ment that — 

" All the traditional sites of Krishna's adventures described in the 
Pur&nas as having taken place at Gokal are shown at Mah&ban, while 
the Gokal temples are essentially modern.'' 

Thus, Krishna's birth-place was Gokal, but the site now 
shown is in the fort of MahAban close to the Assi-khamba. 
So also the place where he was nursed is now shown in the 
Chhattipdlnd inside the Assi-khamba itself. 

Gokal is situated on the left bank of the Jumna 5 miles 
to the south-south-east of Mathura, and MahAban stands i 
mile to the south-east of Gokal, and close to the old high 
bank of the river. Its position thus agrees pretty well with 
that of the town of Klisobora, which is mentioned by both Pliny 
and Arrian. The former says — " Amnis Jomanes in Gangem 
per Palibothros decurrit inter oppida Methora et Clisobora." ^ 
Arrian omits the name of the Palibothri, but describes Methora 
and Kaleisobora as two great cities of the Suraseni^ between 

* Pliny's Natural History, Vol. VI, pp. 19, 22. 


which ran the river Johares.' Now, the birth-place of Krishna 
would naturally be called Krishnapura^ which is a very close 
approximation to Klhohora^ although no authority has yet 
been found for its being so named,' Lassen had already pro- 
posed this identification, as well as that of Herakles, the 
god of the Suraseni, with Vishnu- Krishna, as Gad4dhara, or 
the ** club-bearer." Mr. Growse has also adopted it. But 
in my account of Mathura I have identified the Kesopura 
Mahalla of the city of Mathura with the ancient Klisohora or 
Kaisobora (as it may be read), that is, the town of Kesava or 
Krishna. I see no difficulty in Pliny's mention of the Pali- 
bothri instead of the Suraseni, as the whole of Northern India 
had been brought under the rule of the kings of Palibothra. 
The earliest mention of Krishna is in the Sutras of PAnini's 
Grammar, where he is called a god as well as a hero.' His 
worship is, therefore, older than the time of Chandra Gupta, in 
whose reign Palibothra was visited by Megasthenes, the 
ambassador of Seleukus. As both Pliny and Arrian drew 
most of their information from him, the statement of the 
worship of the Indian Herakles and the mention of Kaisobora, 
or Kesopura, date as early as the 4th century, B.C. 

But between the invasion of Alexander and of MAhmud 
Ghaznavi, there is a long interval of thirteen centuries and a 
half, during which time we have no mention of either Mah&- 
ban or Gokal. We may, however, be certain that Maha.ban 
must have followed the fortunes of Mathura, and that it be- 
came successively a part of the great empires of the Mauryas, 
the Indo-Scythians, and the Guptas, and lastly of Harsha 
Vardhana the great king of Kanauj in the first half of the 7th 
century. The Surasenas, however, were ruled by a king of their 
own, as Hwen Thsang. in A.D. 635, says that the king of 
Mathura was a Sudra, while Harsha Vardhana, who was reign- 
ing at the time, was a Bais Rajput. Between the death of 

' Amian's Indica, c. 8. 

* Cicero (see Natura Deorum, Vol. Ill, p. 16) says that the Indian Hercules 
was named ' Belus,' which may be compared with B41a-deva, the brother of 

* Max Muller : Ancient Sanscrit Literature, p. 45, note. 


Harsha and the invasion of M^hmud, the country of the 
Surasenas must have been subject to the dynasty of Devi- 
sakta Deva of Kanauj, and the Tomars of Delhi. At the 
time of Md.hmud's invasion, the RA}4 of Mah&ban was named 
Kulchandar^ but he was, no doubt, the RAjA df Braj, or of the 
whole Mathura district. 

We now come to the inscription of Ajaya PAla Deva, 
which I obtained in MahAban. It is dated in Samvat 1207 
or A.D. 1 150. Now, there is a prince of this name in the 
list of the YAduvansi RAj^ of Bayftna, who is the fourth or 
fifth in descent from Vijaya Pftla Deva of whom we have an 
inscription from a pillar in Bayina dated in Samvat 1200, or 
A.D. 1 143. The Surasena country would, therefore, seem 
to have been still in the possession of the descendants of its 
old Y4duvansi princes. But within fifty years the whole 
country fell under the powerful rule of the Muhammadan 
Ghori Sultans ; and though it was recovered for a short time 
by the HindCls, it was retaken by the Muhammadans in the 
reign of Alft-ud-din Khalji by Sayid Yahya of Mashad, and 
remained in their possession until the British occupation. 
Some lands called Thok Sayid are still held by the Sayid's 


The name of Lohahan, or the grove of Lodh or LocUira 
trees, is popularly ascribed to an Asur, named Loha orLoha- 
jangha, whose image is now represented by the lower half of 
a broken figure standing at a short distance from the temple of 
Gopin4th. Lohajanfrha, or " iron-leg," was a demon overcome 
by Krishna, Offerings of iron are made here at the annual 
festival, and on all occasions whenever pilgrims may happen 
to come. The pieces of iron are first rubbed on the image. 

Lohaban is one of the twelve great bans, or " groves." It 
's on the eastern side of the Jumna, 7 miles to the north of 
MahS.ban, and 3 miles from the city of Mathura. 

Mr. Growse points out that in the Vrihat-katha of Soma- 
deva (A.D. 1059- 107 1) there is a story of Lohajangha, a 

^ Growse's Mathura» p. 252* 


BrAhman of Mathura, who was miraculously conveyed to 
Lanka. Hence he reasonably infers that the name is at least 
as old as the i ith century A.D. 

The figure called Lohajangha is of life-size, but broken 
off across the loins. The figure is similar to that given in 
Vol. Ill, Plate XI, figure D, and Plate XLVII, figure 2 of the 
same volume of the Archaeological Survey. 

The Krishna-kund at Lohban is a dirty puddle, which 
dries up every year. 

The Krishna-kAa is a simple well. 


The small village of P4li-khera lies on the high road to 
Sonkh, at 2^ miles to the south-west of the Katra, and up- 
wards of 3 miles to the west of the cantonment of Mathura. 
It possesses an old khera, or mound, in which Mr. Growse 
discovered a second Bacchanalian group, similar to that which 
was obtained at Mathura by Colonel Stacy in 1836, and 
which is now in the Indian Museum in Calcutta. In the 
same mound Mr. Growse found tn situ three bell-shaped 
** bases of large columns, at 13 feet distance from one another, 
at the three comers of a square. The fourth had completely 
disappeared." * 

These three bases were still in their original places at the 
time of my visit to Mathura in October 1882. They are all 
more or less broken, but not so much as to prevent measure- 
ment. Each consists of a square member of 2 feet 9 inches 
side and 9 inches in height, with a circular top i foot 4 inches 
high, and very much rounded on the outer face. On the top 
there is a socket hole, 5 inches broad and 5 inches deep, for 
the reception of a tenon of the shaft, which must have been 
about 18 inches in diameter. It was most probably octangu- 
lar in shape, as I have found that in all the Asoka and Indo- 
Scythian sculptures the monoliths are represented as circular, 
while the pillars of the buildings are invariably octangular. 

In the very middle of this square building, according to 

' Growse's Mathura, p. 115. 


the people's account, Mr. Growse exhumed the Bacchanalian 
group. The four pillars must, therefore, have supported a 
canopy over the enshrined sculpture, of which the Baccha- 
nalian group was perhaps only the pedestal. It is quite pos- 
sible, however, that the top of each of these Bacchanalian 
groups was only a hollow bowl, or altar. But if they were 
pedestals, as seems to me not improbable, it is very difficult 
to say what could have been placed upon them. There is, 
however, one very curious group which might possibly have 
stood upon one of these Bacchanalian bases. The lower part 
IS unfortunately lost, but the upper half is generally in very 
good order. It consists of a central female figure, with a 
canopy formed of eleven snakes' hoods.* Behind her are five 
female figures, naked to the loins, and girt with the usual 
five-string zone of the Indo-Scythian period. These five 
figures radiate round her, two springing out at an angle from 
behind the shoulders, one from behind the head, and the 
other two intermediate. As no part of these five figures is 
visible below the loins, I conclude that they are NAgnis, their 
snaky extremities being hidden. The principal figure would 
appear to be the Queen of the Snakes. At the back the 
figures are all hidden by a tree and its foliage. The sculp- 
ture was, therefore, intended to be seen all round. It is just 
3 feet broad. 


Mora, or Mora-meyi, is a small village 7 miles to the 
west of the Katra, and 2 miles to the north of the road 
leading from Mathura to Govardhan, and about halfway 
between the two places. Near the village there is'an old 
well, with a large inscribed slab forming part of the terrace. 
The slab is between 7J and 8 feet in length by 3^ feet in 
breadth. The inscription was originally nearly 3 feet long, 
but the whole of the right half has peeled away, and only the 
left half now remains. Fortunately this part is very perfect, — 
which is particularly fortunate, as the inscription is one of the 

' See Plate III, upper sculpture. 


oldest that has yet been found in the Mathura district. There 
are four lines, which I read as follows : — 

I. — Mahakshatrapasa Rajubulasa putrasa Sw4mi Va-(Vi) 
2. — BhagavatS. Vrishnena pancha VairinAm pratimu Saila 

3* — Yasto Sh4y4h Saitam Sri mad graha mitula mudhadesa 

4.-— Archa des&m pancha jwalaitA Iva parama 



The village of Anyor (Anour of maps) stands at the south- 
eastern foot of the Girir4j, or Govardhan, hill, just below its 
highest point. Mr. Growse derives the name from any + or^ 
the "other end'* of the Govardhan hill. At the present day 
the hill is dedicated to the worship of Krishna, and here at 
Anyor is celebrated the Girir4j-puj4, or adoration of the 
sacred hill, and also the AnnakUt^ or commemoration of 
Krishna's sacrifice. Now, the name of AnnakAt seems to me 
to offer a preferable derivation for Anyor. By the elision of K 
we get AnnaAt, or Annaut^ or Anyot^ and, as the cerebral / is 
often pronounced as r, as in bar for Vat, the '* banyan tree," 
Anyot would become Anyor. 

But whatever may have been the derivation of the name, 
it is certain that in early days the hill was not dedicated to 
the worship of Krishna only ; for outside the village there 
still exists a large statue of BAddha, with the following in- 
scription in two lines on its pedestal — 

I. — [/pdsakasyaSu?Aasya HkrushaLsya, d&nam B&ddha pratima 

uttarasya HArushasya. 
2. — VihcLra Sahd. Matu pitihi sarvvasatwcLn^m hita sukhathi. 

Here we have a very early mention of the gift of a statue 
of BAddha to the Vih&ra of Uttara H^rusha by the UpAsaka 
Susha of Harush(?) for the benefit of himself, of his mother 
and father, and of all beinp^s. 

Kota is a small village to the west of the Delhi road, 3 



miles to the north of Mathura. Its old name, according to 
my informants, was Kutak-ban, but Mr. Growse writes Katak^ 
ban. It possesses a large kund^ or reservoir for retaining 
water, with a masonry causeway or wall, 300 feet long and 
rom 34 to 4^ feet thick, built across an extensive hollow to 
the north-east of the village. The causeway has four 
small pointed arches, with thin walls inside, for regulating 
the flow of the water. 

Several small pillars of some old Buddhist building are 
built into this causeway. The people say that similar pillars 
have been found on the northern bank of the kund. One 
which was found lying near the village is now used as a 
stop-gap in an irrigating watercourse. To the north of the 
kund there is a long mound, on the edge of which a long 
brick wall has been dug out to furnish materials for a village 
well. Towards the eastern end there are the remains of a 
brick ghS.t leading down to the kund. This mound is said 
to have yielded all the pillars that are shown scattered 
about. Several were dug up a few years ago by a Lodha 
cultivator, who put them back again ; but the people were 
unable, or unwilling, to point out their position. 

The pillars are only 2 feet 8 inches high by 7 inches 
broad, and 3^ inches thick. Sixteen pillars were discovered 
of this size, each ornamented in front with either a man or 
woman standing on a prostrate figure. No two figures are 
alike. On the back there are two full lotus flowers in the 
middle, and two half lotus flowers at the top and bot- 
tom. Each pillar is pierced with three holes for the usual 
rail-bars, each 7 inches deep by i^- inch broad. Not a 
single rail-bar was discovered. Two of the sixteen pillars 
were cut sloping, both above and below, for a staircase. 

One pillar of a small size was found, being only i foot 
7 inches in height. A large head was also discovered with 
a crown or flat-topped head-dress, and a group of two females 
standing side by side under a large tree, which is fully re- 
presented on the back of the stone. It must, therefore, have 
been placed in such a position as to be seen all round. This 
group is shown in Plate III, in the two lower figures. 


The following is a detailed account of the figures sculp- 
tured on the railing pillars :— 

A. Female standing with back to the spectator. Her head 
turned back to look over right shoulder. Her left hand 
grasps the branch of a tree ; her right hand holds a fruit. 
She has the usual zone round the loins. 

B. Male standing to front, holding a chaurt over the right 
shoulder, left hand resting on hip. He wears a pointed 
cap, and is dressed in a long tunic and trowsers, with 
sword-belt and sword. 

C. Male figure standing to front, holding a chaurt over 
the right shoulder. He is dressed in voluminous drapery 
and his head-dress has a high mitred top, like that given 
to the figures of Krishna. Overhead there is a Buddhist 
railing instead of the usual tree. 

D. Female standing to front. Her right hand is placed on 
her hip, while her left holds a branch of a tree overhead. 
She wears a zone, but appears to be naked otherwise. 

E. * Male standing to fronts with Krishna : head-dress as on 
C. He holds flowers in both hands. 

F. Female standing to front. Her left hand holds a flower 
and her right hangs by her side. 

G. Female standing to front. Her right elbow is raised 
high above her head in a very acknowledged position. 
Her right hand holds a flower and her left hand a bowl. 
She wears a zone. 

H. Female kneeling — top broken off. 

J. Male standing — top broken off. 

K. Male standing, holding a bowl with both hands. Right 
knee raised, with the foot resting on a rock. 

L. Pillar built into village well, only the socket-holes visi- 

M. Male standing to front, holding a chaurt ov^r right 
shoulder, with left hand resting on hip. 

N. Female standing to front. Tree overhead. Her left 
hand grasps her earring. Her right hand holds an 
object ornamented with a horse's head. 

O. Sloping Rail. Female standing to front ; right hand 
by her side and left hand holding branch of tree over- 

P. Sloping Rail, Male standing to front, holding chauri 
over right shoulder — ^and left hand resting on hip. 

D I 


Here it will be observed that no less than four of the male 
figures are simple attendants carrying chaurts (B, C, M, and 
P). The male figure E is making an offering of flowers, and the 
male figure J is offering something in a bowl held in both 
hands. The action of the female figures is less obvious. Some 
are apparently making offerings, but others appear to be doing 
nothing in particular, except standing to be looked at. Most 
of them seem to be quite naked, but the marks of their long 
petticoats about their ankles show that this was not the inten- 
tion of the artist, although he has gone out of his way to 
mark the sex of the figures. 

All the figures represented on these pillars have no 
connection with the history of Buddha. They are either 
mere attendants like the chauri-bearers^ or persons making 
offerings. In the Bharhut sculptures the historical and le- 
gendary scenes are confined to the medallions of the railing 
pillars ; but the ornamentation on the backs of these small 
Kota pillars is limited to a repetition of lotus flowers. 


The old village of Chaumuha is situated on the Delhi 
road, lo miles to the north of Mathiya. It was the site of 
one of the royal sarais built by the Mughal Emperors for 
their personal accommodation when travelling between Agra 
and Delhi. The name is probably an old one, but it was cer- 
tainly not the original name of the village, as it is derived 
from a broken piece of a BAddhist pillar, with four lions 
seated at the comers. Hence the name of Chaumuha^ or 
Chatur-mukha^ the *'four faces," was first given to the sculp- 
ture, and has since been applied to the village. 

The sculpture consists of a circular drum, 15 inches in 
diameter, standing on a square base of 19 inches side and 2 
inches high. The top part of the drum is broken off. About 
3 inches below the top there is a band of Bdddhist railing, 
5 inches in height, running all round. At each comer of the 
square there is a lion sitting on its haunches, and between 
each pair of lions there is an apparently naked female stand- 
ing with left hand on her hip, and her right hand raised and 


holding a flower. She wears earringsf necklace, zone, and 
anklets, and her naked appearance is no doubt caused by the 
abrasion of the stone in front, as the clothing appears quite 
distinct in the recessed portion between the legs. 

By the people this sculpture is supposed to represent the 
four-faced god Brihma. But Mr. Growse thinks that — 

'* it is in reality the circular pedestal of a Jaina statue, or column, 
with a lion at each corner, and a nude female figure in each of the 
four intervening spaces, the upper border being roughly carved with 
the Bfiddhist rail pattern." ^ 

I differ, however, from Mr. Growse, as I consider the sculp- 
ture to be decidedly Buddhist. My opinion is borne out by 
the discovery of the pillar of a Buddhist railing in the village, 
which is a proof that the site was a Buddhist one. I think 
also that the sculpture must have been the capital of a pillar, 
as not one of the Buddhist monoliths yet found possesses 
a base. I look upon the square member on which the lions 
sit as the abacus of the capital, which may have been crown- 
ed by a large wheel, or dharma chakra, similar to that which 
I discovered close to the SAnchi StClpa. 

The royal serai at Chaumuha is mentioned by Padr6 
TiefEenthaler in A.D. 1745, who speaks of the "hotellerie 
belle et commode." Mr. Growse mentions that the building 
of the serai is attributed to Sher ShAh. 


Mr. Growse gives the following account of the discovery 
of a large statue at Tumaula, 2 1 miles to the north-west of 
Mathura, and just half-way between ChAta and Kosi : — 

" Just above the bridge the canal has been carried through a very 
large tank, which in the course of centuries had been partially filled 
up. When the excavations were in progress, a life-size statue was 
discovered, much defaced, and with the head severed from the body. 
It has no very distinctive attributes, but might be intended to represent 
the god RAma, or the Rij4 who constructed the tank. The antiquity 
of the work is attested by the enormous size of the bricks used in the 

' Growse's Mathura, p. 29. 


The statue appeats to me to be a standing figure of Bud- 
dha, with the usual curly hair and long slit ears. Both arnw 
are gone, so that there is nothing to show what was the 
action of the figure. Both feet also are gone, but from the 
ankles to the top of the head the height is 6 feet 9^ inches, 
so that the full height of the statue must have been over 7 
feet. The upper part of the body is bare, but from the waist 
downwards the figure is clad in a dhoti^ with a girdle or sash, 
with pendant ends, around the loins. 

XVII.— KAMAN. ^•^'^ ^^'^^^ ^^' 
The old fort of KAman lies between two low ranges of 
hills on the high road from Delhi to BayAna. Owing to its 
position it must have fallen an early prey to the Muhamma- 
dan conquerors. It is situated in the Bharatpur territory, 39 
miles to the west-north-west of Mathura, and 14 miles to the 
north of Dig. It is one of the twelve holy places of the Ban- 
j^tra, and its shrine of GopinAth is regularly visited by pil- 
grims. But the most popular place is the cave of Luk-luk, 
''where the boys played blind-man's-buff."* The name of 
K4man is a contraction of Kadamba-Vana, or the '* kadamba 
forest," by the elision of the letters d and v. In our maps it 
is written simply K&ma ; but the people call it Kdman, and 
the name is so spelt in the report on the Bharatpur territory 
in the R4]put4na Gazetteer. The Kadamb tree abounds at 
KAman, and there is a spot called Kadamb-khandi on the 
range of hills 4 miles to the east. Mr. Growse writes the 
full name as Kdmya-han ; but the place certainly derives its 
name from the Kadamba tree, as the two short a's coalesce 
to form one long d after the elision of the d. 

The site of KAman is undoubtedly old, as the great mound 
of the fort, rising from 30 feet in height on the east to 50 
feet on the west, is a mere mass of ruins. Nothing is known, 
or even conjectured, about the early history of Kiman. Every- 
thing old is referred to the time of the j4don Rijfts, and the 
only cult now followed is that of Krishna and R&dhA. All 
the stories about the places where the lovers sat, ate, drank, 

^ Growse's Mathura, page 79. 


or dallied, are swallowed with unwavering belief, along with 
draughts of water from the filthy kunds at each holy site. 

K&man possesses one place of great interest in its old 
Masjid, now known as the ChaonsaUkhamhay or " sixty-four 
pillars." The building consists of a cloistered square sur- 
rounding a courtyard 52 feet 8 inches long by 49 feet 9 inches 
broad. The Masjid consists of three rows, of eight pillars each, 
forming three aisles. On the entrance side, or east, there are 
two rows, of eight pillars each, forming two aisles, and on the 
north and south sides there is one row of six tall pillars in each 
forming a single aisle. But on the north side, instead of the 
plain wall which closes the south side, there is a raised terrace, 
7^ feet wide, with a double row of short pillars forming a 
single aisle open to the outside. The same raised terrace is 
continued on the east side, but the portion to the south of 
the entrance gateway has been blocked up. By this ar- 
rangement the gateway itself is not quite in the middle of the 
eastern face of the quadrangle, the wall to the left, or south, 
being 24 feet 2 inches in length, while that to the right, or 
north, 29 feet. At first I thought that the southern side of 
the quadrangle might have fallen down and have been re- 
paired without the raised open terrace which exists on the 
north side. But when I examined the south wall I was satis- 
fied that it was a part of the original structure ; and as I 
afterwards found the same arrangement in the north and 
south walls of the Ukha Masjid at Bay^na, I have no doubt 
that such was the original design. 

None of the pillars are without ornament, and some of 
them are very highly decorated. All are square, and the 
lower half of many of them is quite plain. The aisles are 14 
feet in height, each column being formed of two Hindis shafts, 
placed one above the other, the lower portions being taller 
than the upper ones. The short pillars of the raised terraces 
are only 8^ feet high. Many of the pillars had figures sculp- 
tured on their faces, all of which have been either cut off or 
mutilated. I recognised K^li, Ganesa, Vishnu (four-armed 
with club, &c.), and Nara Sinha. Several pillars have small 
scenes, as well as crocodiles and peacocks, in circular and 


semi-circular medallions. N4gas with double snaky tails sit 
at the comers, the tails being intertwined on the adjacent 
faces. There are also grotesque faces with large staring 
eyes, and minutely small hands and feet attached to them, 
without any visible bodies. Nowhere was there any trace of 

The west and south walls, and also a portion of the en- 
trance gateway, are faced with red stone slabs. The east 
and north walls are built of old temple stones of a brownish 
blue colour quarried from the neighbouring hills. Their 
ornaments and clamp holes show that they must have be- 
longed originally to Hindii temples. Many of the wall stones 
are HindA pillars placed horizontally. Altogether I found 
52 Hindii pillars built into the walls and roofs of this masjid ; 
and as the masjid and cloisters have 96 standing pillars, of 
which the 52 taller ones are double, the total number of 
HindA pillars to be seen in this building is just 2CX5. 

Outside the north-west comer there is a flight of steps 
leading to a small balcony supported on four Hindii pillars, 
from which a doorway formerly led into a private upper apart- 
ment for the use of the ladies of the Governor's family. The 
upper room has now disappeared, and the masjid is utterly 
deserted, as the country of Bharatpur, in which KamAn is 
situated, is now under the rule of a Hindd RAjA. 

Around the entrance doorway of the quadrangle there is 
an Arabic inscription in large letters, 8^ inches high. It begins 
from the ground on the right-hand side, passes over the 
doorway in a horizontal line, and down the left side to the 
ground. Both the beginning and the end are too much in- 
jured to be read. The first legible word isy?, which is shortly 
followed by — din us Sultan ^ ul dlanty ul ddily ul dzamul mulk 
(two more letters) ahul Muzaffer Iltitmish us Sultdn. In the 
horizontal line I can read only the word Suh'mdm\ and on 
the left side only Suhdni. The name of the king is very 
much injured ; but I think it is almost certainly as I have 
read it, as there are no arches in the building. This fact, 
which betrays a very early date, as we know that all the 
buildings of Iltitmish yet discovered have the HindCt overlap- 


ping arches. All the roofs are flat, except a small compart- 
ment in front of the Mihr4b, which has a dome formed in the 
usual HindA fashion of overlapping stones. 

On the inner face of the eastern wall, close to the steps 
which lead up to the raised gallery and to the roof of the 
gateway, there is a long Sanskrit inscription on a pillar which 
has been built into the wall horizontally. The pillar is 12 
inches thick; and the inscription consists of 37 lines of small 
letters. In the third line I read the word Sri Surasendvangse, 
I think it may be as old as the 8th century. 

On one of the pillars close by there is some Persian writ- 
ing with the date of 754 A.H., or A.D. 1353, which was the 
3rd year of the reign of Firoz Tughlak. There are also 
several early Nigari letters on different pillars ; as maka^ sra, 
kay &c., all of the same age as the Surasena inscription. 

The Sanskrit inscription of the Surasenas was discovered 
some years ago by Pandit Bhagwin LAI Indraji, who has 
given a transcript of the text and a brief notice of its contents 
in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. X, p. 34. As I am now able to 
give a photograph taken from an impression, I will add the 
Pandit's Devanftgari transcript of the text for comparison. 

8 I \]m\ H vrt ^rafT flfiifis ^S'^ ^ WT WOTTTO Jiw: ?i??r 

■ Growse's Matliura, p. 79. 

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In his brief remarks the Pandit notes that— 

" it contains no date, but the alphabet appears to belong to the 8th 
century or somewhat after the date of the Jh41rap4tan inscription. 
He then gives the following genealogy of the Surasena dynasty ex- 
tending over seven kings :— ^ 

I. — Phakka, married DeyikA. 

2. — Kula-abhata (son), married Drang^ni. 

3. — Ajita (son^, married ApsarapriyA. 

4, — Durgabhata (son), married Vachchhalik&. 

5. — Durgadiman (son), married Vachchhiki. 

6.— Devarija (son), married Yajnik4. 

7.— Vatsadiman (son). 

The Queen VachchlikA " built a temple to Vishnu, which 
it seems to have been the object of this inscription to record." 


If we place Vatsad4man in AD. 750 to 775, the head of 
the family, Phakka, will date from A.D. 600, reckoning twenty- 
five years to each generation. As none of the names agree 
with those of the Yadava princes of Bay4na, as recorded by 
the bards, it seems probable that these chiefs of K&man, or 
Kadamba-vana, were only a branch of the famous Surasenas 
of Mathura. 

XVIII.— bayAna. 

Of Bay&na Abul Fazl says — ** This town is the burial place of 
many illustrious men." ^ This statement is no doubt true, as 
there are great numbers of tombs scattered about the neigh- 
bourhood of the city. But, alas for fame, it is almost as fleeting 
as life itself ; for, although there are hundreds of tombs, yet 
only one name is remembered at the present day. This one 
name is that of Abubakr KandhAri, who lies under a simple 
slab in a small enclosure to the west of the town. There are 
two slabs placed side by side, each with a flowered border, 
and some sentences from the KorAn in the middle. Ap- 
parently these slabs are of later date ; and I have no doubt 
that they have been brought from other tombs, and arranged 
in their present position. Of Abubakr himself the people 
know nothing, but they are content with repeating the follow- 
ing verse, which is in everybody's mouth : — 

IgAreh so tihatr, Ph4g tfj, Rabiwir, 
Bijayamandargarh torhiya Abubakr Kandh&r. 

" In 1 1 73, on the 3rd of Philgun, Sunday. Bijayamandargarh (/>., 
the fort of Bay&na) was taken by Abubakr Kandhir." 

This version was given to me by two BhAts, as well as by 
others. Biit there are slight variations, as Mr. Carlleyle 
gives the verse as follows : * 

Gyireh so tihatr Subh Somdinw&r. 
Bijehmandargarh toryon Abubakr Kandh&r. 

In this version, however, the name of the month is omitted. 

Some say that Abubakr accompanied Masud S4lar, the 
nephew of MAhmud of Ghazni, on his fabulous expedition to 

* Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, Vol. 11, p. 37. 

• Archaeological Survey, Vol. VI, p. 55. 


EASTERN RAJPUT AN A IN 1882-83. 6 1 

India in A.H. 421. But this date is equivalent to A.D. 
1027, and Samvat 1084, which is nearly 100 years too early 
for Samvat 11 73. Perhaps we shall not be far wrong if we 
conclude that Abubakr Kandh&ri accompanied Muhammad 
bin S4m and Kutb-ud-din Aibak in A.H. 592, on the expedi- 
tion when they captured Bayana. This date would be equi- 
valent to A.D. 1 196 and Samvat 1253, and we might then 
read : — 

Birah so tripan, Ph&g tij Rabiwir. 

Strange to say the 3rd of PhA-lgan badi in Samvat 1253 
was a Sunday. I look upon this coincidence, however, as a 
mere chance. It seems more probable that the date may be 
a true one, handed down by tradition, and that we should 
read Saka Samvat instead of Vikrama Samvat, in which case 
S. 1 1 73 would be equivalent to A.D. 1251. Now, in this 
very year, on the 12th November 1251 A.D., the Emperor of 
Delhi, N&seruddin M^lhmud, accompanied by his vazir Ulugh 
KhAn, started on his expedition against the famous HindCl 
RajA Chdhada Deva. We know that this active and able 
prince had regained possession of Ranthambor and Narwar, 
and although BayAna is not mentioned in the account of the 
campaign, it seems highly probable that it also must have 
fallen into his hands. In the inscription of the Kazion-ki- 
Masjid, the repairer, named Abdul Malik, calls himself the 
son oi Ahihakr Bukhdrt. As the date is A.H. 705, the 
father would certainly have been living during the time of the 
campaign, and might therefore be identified with the tradi- 
tional Abubakr Kandh^Lri. 

Bay&na is situated 90 miles due east from Jaypur, 100 
miles due south from Delhi, and 30 miles to the south- 
south-west of Bharatpur. Its old name is said to have 
been Santipur, and the middle part of the town, now called 
Bhitarubdhar^ is pointed out as the original site. But in 
two of the Sanskrit inscriptions the name of the town is given 
as Pathaydmpuri ; and this I believe to have been the ori- 
ginal name of the place, and also of the present name of 
BayAna For by the simple elision of the th Paydmfuri^ or 
BayAnpur, might easily be shortened to BayAna. Some of the 


early Muhammadan writers spell the name Bhaydna^ but the 
present form of BayAna is the only one found in the inscrip- 

Above the town on the south-west rises the fortress of 
Vijayamandargarh, which is attributed to Vijaya PAla, one of 
the j4don Rajas, who was reigning in Samvat i loo, or A.D. ' 
1043, according to a short Sanskrit inscription still existing in 
the town. The fortress of Vijayamandar stands on the east- 
ern end of a short range of hills, which runs nearly perpendi- 
cular to the sandstone ranges of Karauli, R6phAs, and Fateh- 
pftr-Sikri. Between them flows the clear stream of the 
Gambhir river, which at some former period is said to have 
washed the foot of the Bijaygarh hill. 

At the time of the Muhammadan conquest of Northern 
India BayAna was the capital of the JAdon or YAduvansi R4j- 
pdts, who of course claim descent from Krishna, as I have 
already related in another place. BayAna had the honour of 
being attacked by Muhammad bin SAm in person, accom- 
panied by Kutb-ud-din Aibak. The RAjA named Ku-Pdl^ or 
Kuwar Pdl^ as given by Elliot, retired to Tahangarh^ where 
he was followed by the conquerors. The government of the 
country was given to BahA-ud-din Tughril; but, '*as he and 
his army did not like to reside in the fort of Thangar, he 
founded the city of SultAnkot, in the territory of BayAna, and 
made it the place of his residence."^ SultAnkot was the Mu- * 
hammadan name of the new city of BayAna, and the place 
was afterwards known by the double name of BayAna-SultAn- 

Apparently BahA-ud-din Tughril died before his rival 
Kutb-ud-din Aibak, for he is not mentioned amongst the 
Maliks of Shams-ud-din Iltitmish. And after his death the 
fort of Thangar must have fallen into the hands of the 
Hindds, as MinhAj-i-SirAj records the capture of the fort of 
Thangar as one of Shams-ud-din's conquests.' 

In A.H. 650, or A.D. 1252, during' the reign of NAsir- 

* Elliot's Muhammadan Historians^ Vol. II, p. 304. 

» Ibid, p. 368. 

' Raverty's Tabakat-i-N&siri, p. 628. 


ud-din MAhmud, BayAna was under the goverment of Kut- 
lugh KhAn. During the strong reigns of Balban and Ala-ud- 
din Khalji, and of Tughlak Shah and his son Muhammad, 
which covered just one century, Bay Ana must have remained 
in the undisturbed possession of the Muhammadans. During 
•the next half century Firoz Tughlak spent some time in 
Bay4na, on his way to the south. But after his death and 
the general break-up of the Delhi Empire, BayAna fell into the 
hands of a powerful family, who continued to hold it, some- 
times as tributaries, and sometimes as independent rulers, for 
nearly a century, or from about A.H. 780 to 870. The fol- 
lowing notices of this family are derived from inscriptions, as 
well as from the historians : — 

In A.H. 801, or A. D. 1399, Bay Ana was in the possession 
of Shams Khan Auhadi. IkbAl KhAn marched against him 
and defeated him. But Shams took refuge in the fort, and 
escaped with the loss of two elephants- Again in 803= 1401 
A.D. on IkbAPs advance Shams KhAn waited upon him. He 
was favourably received, but on the march towards Kanauj 
IkbAl became suspicious of him and had him assassinated.^ 
Ferishta calls him Shams KhAn Ahdy according to Briggs.* 

In A.H. 819, or A.D. 1416, Khizr KhAn sent a great army 
against BayAna and Gwalior, when Malik Karim-ul-Mulk, 
brother of Shams KhAn, gave the invading general a grand 
reception. Ferishta adds that Karim had succeeded his 
brother, which is most probable. His rule, therefore, must 
have begun in A.H. 803, or A.D. 1401. Karim-ul-Mulk must 
have been the title of Auhad KhAn.' 

In A.H. 827, or A.D. 1423, when SultAn MubArak Sayid 
was on his march against Gwalior, the son of Auhad Khan, 
Amir of — 

"BayAna, who had treacherously murdered his uncle MubArak KhAn, 
rebelled against the SultAn, and destroying the fort retired to the 
top of the hill. His Majesty sat down with his army at the foot of 
the hill, and after a time the son of Auhad KhAn being reduced to 

1 Elliot's Muhammadan Historians^ Vol. IV, p. 38. 

• Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 498. 

3 Elliot's Muhammadan H istorians^ Vol. IV, p. 48. 



extremities, paid his revenue and tributei and placed his neck in the 
collar of obedience." ^ 

Again in A.H. 830, or A.D. 1426, Mubarak ShAh marched 
against Bay^Lna when — 

'* Muhammad Kh&n, son of Auhad Kh&n, ruler of Bayina, retired to 
the top of the hill, and for sixteen days kept up his residence. Some 
of his men joined the Sultin, and when he could no longer hold out, 
he came forth from the fort in the month of Rabi-ul-Akhir, with a 
rope round his neck, and made his submission. The horses and 
arms and goods of sorts which were in the fort he offered as tribute. 
By order of the SultAn his family and dependants were brought out 
of the fortress and sent to Delhi." 

BayAna was given to Mukbil KhAn.* Muhammad Kh^n after- 
wards escaped from Delhi with his family to Mew&t. 

"There he learned that Mukbil Kh&n (the governor) had marched 
with his army towards Mah&wan, leaving Malik Khair-ud-din Tuhfa 
in the fort, and the town empty (of soldiers). Muhammad Khin 
seized the opportunity, and, being supported by several zamind&rs of 
Bay&na, he went there with a small force. Most of the people of 
the town and country joined him. Unable to hold the fort, Malik 
Khair-ud-din capitulated and went to Delhi. 

" Mubirak Shih then gave Bay&na to Malik Mubiriz, and sent 
him against Muhammad Kh&n. The rebel shut himself up in the 
fort, and Mubiriz took possession of the country and began to 
manage it. Muhammad Kh&n then left a party of his adherents in 
the fort, while he himself escaped, and with all speed went to join 
Sultin Ibrihim Sharki." » 

After Ibrahim Sharki's retreat, MubArak ShAh proceeded 
to Bayina, where Muhammad had shut himself up in the 

'* The Sultan invested the fort, which was very lofty and strong, and 
was deemed impregnable. But the garrison was unable to make a 
successful defence : their hands were powerless against the assail- 
ants, and their feet were unable to flee, so they were compelled 
to capitulate and ask for mercy. His Majesty, full of royal mercy 
and compassion for Musalmins, forbore to punish Muhammad Khin, 
and granted him forgiveness.' Malik Mihmud was appointed to com- 
mand the fort of Bay&na, and to manage the territory, and that 
Ikta and all its dependencies were placed under his charge." 

> Ibid,, Vol IV, p. 60. « Ibid,, Vol. IV, pp. 62, 63. » Ibid.» Vol. IV, p. 65. 


In A.H. 835, A.D. 1 43 1, Im^d-ul-Mulk was sent with a 
'• strong force to Bay&na and Gwalior, with orders to punish 
the rebels and infidels of those parts/' ^ Here the rebels most 
probably refer to BayAna, and the infidels to Gwalior. 
Muhammad KhAn must, therefore, have recovered Bay^ina. 

After the murder of Mub4rak Sh4h in A.H. 837 = 1433 
A.D., his minister Sarwar-ul-Mulk gave Bay^na to Sidhi PAla, 
one of the murderers, who sent a black slave named RAixn 
with a large force to take possession of the place. He was 
opposed and defeated by Ytisuf Khdn Auhadi^ who cut off 
his head and suspended it over the gate of the city.* 

In A.H. 851, A.D. 1447, on the death of Sayid Muham- 
mad Sh4h, Bay&na was in the possession of D&ud Khin 

Amongst the inscriptions collected at Bayina I find the 
following referring to members of the Auhadi family — 

Auhad Kh4n, A.H. 820 = A.D. 141 7. 

Muhammad Khin, Samvat 1503 = A.D. 1446 ( = A.H. 850). 

Diud Kh4n, A.H. 861 = A.D. 1457. 

From these irtscriptions we learn that D&ud Kh&n was 
the son of Muhammad KhAn, the grandson of Auh^d Kh^n 
and the great-grandson of Muin Kh4n. For nearly a cen- 
tury the government of Bay&na remained in the hands of this 
one family. From these inscriptions, compared with notices 
in Ferishta and T4rikh-i-Mub4rak ShAhi, I have made out 
the following genealogy of the Auhadi family — 

A.H. 775. MuiN KhIn. 

Sidfki, or Auhadu 

A.H. 800. Shams KhIn Auhad KhXn, MubIrak KhIn, 

Auhadi Kartm-ul-Mulk, assassinated by his 

assassinated in A.H. AH. 803^ 8i9» 820. nephew Amir Khan. 
803 by Ikbal-ud-daula. 


A.H. 825. Amir Kh4n Muhammad Kh4n Yusuf Kh&n 

Auhadi, Auhadi, Auhadi of Hindaun, 

A.H. 827. A.H. 830, 83s, 850. A.H. 837. 

A.H. 850 to 875. Daud KhIw 

A.H. 851-861. 

» Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 74. « /W/., Vol. IV, p. 81. » Brigg's Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 54,. 

VOL. XX £ 




The family name of Auhadi was not derived from Auhad 
Kh4n, the son of Muin KhAn, as the father himself is called 
Auhadi in the MinAr inscription, and so also are the two 
brothers of Auhad, named Shams KhAn and MubArak KhAn. 
In Briggs' translation of Ferishta the family name is generally 
written Ahdy, and in one instance it is changed to Lodt\ while 
the name of Auhad KhAn himself is given as Wahid. Auhad 
KhAn seems to have been the most noted member of the 
family, as he is called Khdn-uKabir^ or the " Great KhAn," 
in the Taleti Mosque inscription. 

Muin Khditj Sidiki, or Auhadi, was most probably the Gov- 
ernor of BayAna under Firoz Tughlak. On his death his 
eldest son Shams Khdn Auhadi succeeded to the government, 
but was assassinated by IkbAl-ud-daula in A.H. 803. His 
younger brother Auhad Khdn then succeeded, with the title 
of Karim-ul Mulk. He is mentioned in A.H. 803 and 819, 
and in the earliest inscription of the family in the fort on the 
Taleti Masjid, dated in A.H. 820. He opposed Khizr Sayid, 
and probably continued to rule until A.H. 830, when his son 
Muhammad Khdn Auhadi is found in possession. 

Muhammad opposed MubArak Sayid, but without success, 
and after submission was imprisoned at Delhi. But he 
managed to escape, and on his return to BayAna was able to 
turn out the King of Delhi's governor. Shortly after that he 
appears to have made terms with MubArak Sayid, and to have 
ruled in peace, until A.H. 850, when he is mentioned in the 
inscription of the Gindoria well as the actual ruler "5r* 
Muhammad Khdn Rdjye Vartmdne^^ He must have died 
shortly afterwards, as his son DAud KhAn was in possession 
of BayAna in A.H. 851. 

In A.H. 850 Muhammad Sayid, the King of Delhi, 
marched to recover BayAna ; but owing to a false report of the 
advance of the Sharki King he returned.^ In the following 
year, 851, DAiid KhAn is stated to have held BayAna as an 
independent principality.* The inscription over the doorway 
of the Fort MinAr, which is dated ten years later, in 861 A.H., 

' Briggs* Ferishta. Vol. I, p. 540. « lUd.^ Vol I, p. 541. 


gives the names of D&ud Kh&n and the King N&sir-ud-din 
Muhammad. Now, the only sovereign of this name at that 
date was Muhammad ShAh Sharki of Jaunpur, who reigned 
from A.H. 861 to 863. It is certain, therefore, that he must 
have acknowledged the supremacy of the Sharki King, as a 
defence against the King of Delhi. This act, no doubt, saved 
him for a time. But in A.H. 878, I find that the Auhadi 
family had altogether passed away, as Bahlol Lodi, on the 
advance of Husen ShAh Sharki, offered to cede the district of 
Bay^na to MAhmud Khalji of Malwa as the price of his assist- 
ance. At that time,*therefore, Bay^na certainly belonged to 
the King of Delhi. 

Shortly afterwards I find that the governor of Bay4na, 
named Ahmad KhAn JalwAni, deserted his master, and took 
the side of the Sharki King, and both struck coin and read 
the Khutba in his name.* He must, however, have returned to 
his allegiance after the defeat of Husen ShAh by Bahlol Lodi 
and the annexation of the Sharki kingdom to the Delhi Em- 
pire ; for his son SultAn Ashraf, or Sharf, JalwAni succeeded 
him in the government, which he still held in A.H. 897, or A.D. 
1491, when he was ordered by Sikandar Lodi to make it over 
to Umar KhAn ShirwAni. SultAn Sharf shut the gates of the 
fort and held out against Sikandar himself. But he was soon 
obliged to surrender, and Bay Ana was given to KhAn KhA- 
nAn Farmuli.* Of his time there is a NAgari inscription 
attached to a Baoli in the fort of Vijaya-mandargarh, which is 
dated in Samvat 1553 and Saka 1418, both equivalent to A.D. 
1496 and A.H. 902. He died A.H. 907, A.D. 1501, and was 
succeeded by KhawAs KhAn. 

In A.H. 922, A.D. 1516, Sikandar Lodi proceeded to 
BayAna, where he met the governor of Ranthambor, who had 
promised to give up that fort to him. But the project fell 
through, and the king returned to Agra. 

Ibrahim Lodi succeeded in A.H. 923, and in 926, or A.D. 
1520, a MAzina or MinAr for calling to prayer was built close 
to the present Ukha Mandar, during the government of NizAm 

* Briggs* Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 556. » Ibid^ Vol. I, p. 569. 



Kh^n, as recorded in the inscription over the doorway. He 
was still in charge at the time of BAbar's invasion ; and heat 
first joined the party against the Mughals, and defeated his 
own brother Alim Kh^n, governor of Tahangarh^ who had 
taken B&bar's side. But on the near advance of R&na Sanga, 
he surrendered Bay&na to BAbar, and was provided for by a 
jAgir in the Do4b. ^ 

During the reign of HumAyun, 937-^-945 A.H., his cousin 
Muhammad Zam&n Mirza was imprisoned in Bay&na. 

During the reign of Sher Shah, A.H. 945 — 952, a division 
of the army was stationed at Bay&na, with a garrison of 500 
matchlock-men in the fort. * 

After the death of Sher Shah Bayftna was given by Isl&m 
Sh^h to his elder brother Adil Kh&n, while the governorship 
was placed in the hands of the famous general Khaw4s Kh&n. 
During the reign of I si Am ShAh, BayAna was the scene of the 
heretical teaching of Shekh Ilahi, who became a Mahdawi, or 
follower of Mahdi, and took up his residence outside the city. 
KhawAs Khin at first embraced his tenets, but afterwards 
became disgusted with him, and gave him up. Shekh Ilahi 
was tried two or three times by assemblies of learned doctors 
and at last died under the lash in A.H. 955.' 

After the unsuccessful rebellion of KhawAs Kh4n, Bay Ana 
was given to GhAzi KhAn Sur, whose son Ibrahim ShAh Sur 
sought refuge in BayAna in A.H. 962, after his defeat by Si- 
kandar ShAh Sur. The fort was then beseiged by the troop 
of Muhammad Adil under the famous Baniya general Himu, 
who after four months was obliged to raise the siege to oppose 
the return of HumAyun to Delhi. 

In the following year, A.H. 963, BayAna was annexed to 
Delhi by the Emperor Akbar, and from that time it became a 
permanent part of the Mughal dominions as part of the Subah 
of Agra. 

At the break-up of the Mughal Empire during the last 
century, BayAna fell into the hands of the JAts, and with them 

* Erskine's Life of B&ber, Vol. I, p. 452. 

* Tarikh-i-shah in Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. V, p. 416. 

* Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. II, p. 138, 


It Still remains as a part of the HindCl kingdom of BharatpAr. 
The grand old fort still remains with its picturesque gates 
and lofty towers, but all life has departed from it. Instead of 
the garrison of five hundred matchlock-men, which held the 
place in the time of Sher ShAh, its only occupants now are 
one Gujar Kil4hd4r, on Rs. 50 a month, who keeps one pony 
and two servants. 


The JhAlar Baoli is situated 2 miles to the north of the 
city of Bay^na. The Baoli is a reservoir of water 79 feet 
square, with numerous flights of steps on all four sides lead- 
ing down to the water. In the dry season it is only 75 feet 
square when the lower flights of steps are uncovered. It 
derives its name from the pillared cloisters which surround 
it like a fringe {jhdlar). The whole building is I27|^feet 
square outside, with an entrance at each of the four comers, 
placed diagonally. Each entrance consists of a small domed 
room, with a flight of steps leading down to the open terrace 
near the water level. Outside the building presents a mere 
blank wall. Against the wall on the inside there is a pillared 
cloister 8 feet 8 inches wide, with sixteen pillars on each side, 
which runs all round. The pillars are 8 feet high and 13 
inches square. Inside this cloister there is an open terrace 
7 feet 10 inches broad. The whole is built of red stone. 
Over the doors of the Baoli, there are two inscriptions in 
Arabic and Persian, both dated in A.H. 718, or A.D^ 1318, 
during the reign of Kutb-ud-din Mubarak ShAh. The upper 
line of the Arabic inscription has entirely peeled away. Parts 
of the walls have fallen down, but most of the work is still 
in good condition in spite of its great age. 

This fine Baoli was built by the same person as the Ukha 
Masjid, one KAfur Sult^ni, who from his name was probably 
one of the royal eunuchs during the reign of Ala-ud-din 
Muhammad, the father of Mubarak Sh4h. The great Malik 
KAfur, the conqueror of Southern India, was killed two years 
before the date of this building, and four years before the 
date of the Ukha Masjid. It is possible, however, that he 


might have begun both of these works, and that they were 
finished after his death. 

Each inscription originally consisted of three lines, but 
the upper line of the longer one has crumbled away. 

The following are the texts and translations of the inscrip- 
tions : ^ 

Over the North-east Doorway. 

(Upper line lost.) 

"The helper of Islim and of Musalmins, heir of the Khalifa, 
of David and Solomon, Abi-ul-Muzafar Khalifat-uUa, Mub&rak Sh&h 
SultAn, son of a Sult&n. May God prolong his reig^n ! The slave, 
hopeful of the mercy of God, Kifur Sult&ni. May God accept his 
prayer 1 Id the year 718." 

' Over the Southeast Doorway. 
y^ jW/l-4 ^t^\ j\^ uilU 


J ^j^ ^ /^ ^ jVt ^;^ jV^ 

" In the reign of the Emperor of the world, the head of religion, 
the master of the capital (dir-ul Kbal&fat), ruler of the earth and the 
sea, the slave of his Court, Kifur Sult&ni, built this sweet-water re- 
servoir by the roadside. Behold its four doors and its four domes, 
and calculate its date in the Hijra year 718/' 

See Plate XV for facsimiles of them. 

eastern rajputana in 1882-83. 7 1 

Ukha Masjid. 

One of the largest buildings in Bay4na is an old masjid, 
now called Nohara, or the " cattle yard," because cattle are 
now tethered in it. It is also used for storing bhilsa^ or straw. 
I have ventured to call it the Ukha Masjid for the sake of 
distinction, as the adjoining building which touches it, and 
is of about the same size, is called the Ukha Mandlr, or 
** Temple of Ukha," although it also was originally a masjid. 
Both buildings are chiefly made of old HindA materials, and 
now that time has restored them to a HindA government, 
one has been turned into a temple, and the other into a 
cattle-pen. Ukha is the name of the daughter of the famous Asur. 

The Nohara^ or Ukha Masjid, retains its original Arabic 
inscription over the entrance doorway of the court. It is 
still generally legible, although in bad condition, and records 
the erection of the masjid during the reign of Kutb-ud-din 
Mubarak in A.H. 720, or A.D. 1320. The whole building 
occupies a space of 1 24 feet in length from east to west, by 
74 feet from north to south.' The Masjid proper consists 
of five rows of HindCl pillars forming four aisles. As in the 
KAman Mosque, the north and south sides of the cloisters 
are different, the latter being a single aisle with a blank wall, 
while the former has also a raised terrace, 8 feet high, with 
two rows of short pillars, 6| feet high, forming a long aisle, 
open to the outside, as well as to the inside. This raised 
terrace is continued on each side of the entrance gateway with 
three. rows of short pillars, and one row of tall pillars inside. 
The two middle pillars of this eastern aisle are large round 
shafts with the Hindilt ornaments cut off, but with an open 
cusped HindA arch still in position between thenl. These 
two pillars must once have formed the entrance to a HindA 
temple. The walls are built throughout of squared stones. 

The inscription over the archway of the entrance gate 

' See Plate XIII for a plan of the Masjid. 


is very much injured ; but the following has been read with 
some certainty : * 

^U.l| ^(U-J) d^ ^ AiikUl tMj^] ti>;UJ| ?jU*J| >dJk \XijM\ 
_ ^1*1 d^UJlodk • ^1, v^l jy^l ^jU ^y. JmJ) JjU'I 

(.luifi v*,^ ^d.'i^ uidJr wJ.; ^a'i^ *diJ^ ^j^i^j j^i 

''The construction of this holy, grand, and fine building was 
ordered in the reign of the king of the world, the just and most high 
chief of the rulers of the east, of Arabia, Persia, * * * 

master of gifts and honours^ the shadow of God in the world, the 
head of the kingdom and of religion, the supporter of Islim and of 
the Moslems, defender of rulers and emperors, the successor to the 
Khalifats of David and Solomon, Abi-ul-Muzaffar, the viceregent of 
God, Mub&rak Sh&h Sult&n, son of a Sult&n. May God preserve 
his authority and his kingdom * * * his slave, expectant 

of the mercy of God^ K&ffir Sult&ni. In the month of Khurd&d in 
the year 720 A.H." 

Standing outside the Nohara Masjid, there is a loose slab 
containing a portion of a long inscription of Ala-ud-din Muham- 
mad in the ornamental Tughra character — see Plate XIV. 
It is specially remarkable for its arrangement in pairs at 
equal distances of all the letters that possess long upright 
strokes, such as alt/, Idm, iot, soi, &c., whilst a few of the 
shorter letters are lengthened to make them correspond. The 
inscription consists of portions of two lines, each wanting 
both beginning and end. The greater portion is, however, 
quite clear — 

I — (a) buul Muzaffar Muhammad Shah us SultAn. Khuld 
allah mulkahu wa Sult&nahu * * 

2 — Abuul * * * wa bAni haza ul Khair ul 

Abd-ul-Zaif (?) Muhamman Rasul-ullah * • 

* See Plate XV for a facsimile of this inscription. 

eastern rajputana in 1882-83. 73 

Ukha Minar. 

At 32 feet to the north of the north-east comer of the 
Ukha Mandtr, there is a Mdzina, or Min^r, from the top of 
which the Mimzzin would call the izdn to summon the faith- 
ful to prayers. The tower is round, and well built of cut 
stone, but it is perfectly plain, the entrance doorway being 
the only break in the smooth monotony of its surface. It is 
41 feet in height, with a base diameter of 27^ feet, and a top 
diameter of 26 feet. The entrance doorway, 4f feet wide, 
points to the south-west, and leads by a circular staircase, 
6 feet in width, to the top of the tower. The doorway has a 
pointed arch, filled with some inscriptions from the Kor^, 
which are well cut and in good preservation. Just above the 
door there is a long inscription of nine lines of verse in a double 
column. The third line gives the name of Sh&h Ibrahim bin 
Iskandar Bahlol ShAh, with the date of A.H. 926, which was 
the 4th year of Ibrahim's reign. 

Vi>bl \:)\j)^ L^V»> Ol^*l yJ^J jd 

»L4 .J^ jOvU) ^, ^\ji] tit 

jj ai i^ a>^ 1^1 0^ ^ 

^Uj ^ jUj 4_6lj Jii yjf\ji j( 


This fulsome set of verses is not worth translating at 
length. Its facts are the following : — 

" In the reign of the ruler of the world (&c., &c.,) Ibr&him Sb&h, 
son of Sikandar Bahlol Shd,h (&c.^ &c.) this Minir was built for the 
purpose of calling the faithful to prayer. It was finished by His 
Highness Niz&m Kh&n, the son of Mujihid Khin, by order of the 
shadow of God (the king) in the year of the Hijra 926." 

On the floor of the Min4r a mason has carved the date 
of Samvat 1574, which began on the 23rd March 1517 A.D. 
This date corresponds with the Hijra year 923, which began 
on Saturday, 24th January 15 17. But, as Sikandar Lodi did 
not die until Sunday, the 7thZilkada A.H, 923, or 21st No- 
vember A.D. 15 1 7, the mason's date of Samvat 1574 most 
probably refers to the end of the year, or shortly after the 
death of Sikandar. 

The NizAm KhAn mentioned in the inscription was still 
Governor of BayAna in A.H. 933, when he purposed to join 
the confederacy under R&na SangrAm and Hasan Kh4n of 
Mewit in opposing B&ber« He had a force of 4,000 cavalry 
and 10,000 infantry, and his opportune change of mind gave 
the famous fortress of BayAna into the hands of B^ber. In 
consideration of this timely service B^ber bestowed on him 
a parganah of 20 lakhs in the Do^b. The 20 lakhs were, of 
course, tankas, of which 20 went to the rupee, so that the 
J&gir was worth one lakh of rupees, or jf 10,000 a year, instead 
of £ 5,000, as stated by Erskine.^ 

> See Baber's Memoirs^ p. 345, and Erskine's Life of B&ber, VoU I, p. 442. 

eastern rajputana^ in 1882-83. 75 

Kazipara Masjid. 

The KAzipAra Masjid is a small building, only 31^ feet 
long by 1 5 J- feet broad inside. As it is open at both ends, it has 
probably lost some of its length. It consists of two aisles 
formed by 3 rows of very fine HindA pillars, 10 feet i inch 
in height. There are at present six pillars in each row. All 
the outer ones, and the two middle ones of the centre row, 
are round, while the remaining ten pillars are square, with the 
angles indented. The round pillars are very handsome, with 
large spreading circular capitals. Their shafts are 3 feet 8^ 
inches in circumference, or upwards of 14 inches in diameter. 
Of the back wall only the foundations now remain. There is 
no inscription, and the people know nothing about the builder. 
Kkzip&xdL simply means the " ward," or division, of the town 
in which some KA.zi lived, or which was established by him. 

Faujdari Masjid. 

Like the last, the origin of this building is quite unknown, 
but as the Faujdir Ganga Baksh now lives close by, it is 
known by his title. It consists of three rows of Hindfll 
pillars, 7 feet 3 inches high, which form two low aisles. The 
pillars are carved, but there is nothing of special note about 
the building. 

Sayidpara Masjid. 

This is another small masjid of two aisles, formed by three 
rows of six HindA pillars in each row. Over the mihrftb in the 
back wall there is an almost obliterated inscription. The 
round pillars are upwards of 18 inches in diameter. 


This is a very small masjid of only eight HindA pillars, 
and an inscription containing sentences from the KorAn. 
The MuftipAra is the " ward," or quarter, of the city in 
which the Muftis, or " lawyers," lived. 

^6 report of a tour in 


A small masjid of six pillars, called the K4zis' Mosque, 
has a small court, with an entrance door, over which is fixed a 
very fine inscription of the time of Ala-ud-din Muhammad 
Khalji, dated in A.H. 705. The following is the text and 
translation of this inscription, which is written in Arabic 
throughout : ^ 

Aj^ iULJI JaJu- iJai^lJtf^ ^l*') i^xOsiH wJOJl ^;U+fl yi ^1 ^1 

" The prophet has said [may the peace of God be upon him] who 
builds a mosque for the great God^ even by excavating the side of a 
hill (?), for him God will prepare a place in Paradise. It is related 
that this mosque and well were built * * * * (and were 
repaired) in good style, after they have become dilapidated, in the 
reign of the greatest of the emperors of Arabia and Ajam, the master 
of the crown and seal, the shadow of God on earth, the splendour of 
the world and of religion, the supporter of Isldm and of Moslems, 
Ul-masfid, a second Alexander, the protector of the helpless, Abu-ul« 
Muzaffar Muhammad Sh&h, the Sult&n, by the weakest of the crea-« 
tures of God, Abdul Malik, son of Abu-bakr of Bukhara, known by the 
title of Mughis-ul-Hikim, in the hill region (Jabal-uUKhitah). May 
God accept him. On the ist Muharram, in the year 705 A.H. 
=1305 A.D." 

Close by there is a long loose slab, with an inscription, 
dated in Shaw^l 1080 A.H., by K^zi Rafi-ud-din Muhammad, 

^ See Plate XIV for a facsimile of this inscription. 


which records the building of a Madrassa during the reign of 
ShA.h Alamgir Adil, more commonly known as Aurangzeb. 


Bhitari Bdhari is the name of the ward, or mohalla, in 
which this masjid stands. It probably means that the ward 
was partly within and partly without the city walls. The 
masjid is a small one, being only 24 feet square ; but it is 
one of some interest, as it is built entirely of Hind A materials, 
and possesses a Sanskrit inscription dated in Samvat 1 100, 
or A.D. 1043, It consists of three aisles formed by four rows 
of pillars, with four pillars in each row. The central opening is 
wider than the side openings. Portions of the Hindu roof 
still remain over the middle compartments. The back and 
side walls are still standing. In front of the mosque to the 
east there are two lines of pillars, six in each line, still in situ. 
These most probably once formed part of a cloister of the 
courtyard in which the mosque stood. Nothing whatever 
is known about the builder of the masjid. 

Tomb of Abubakr-Kandhari. 

I have already related the story of Abubakr KandhAri, to 
whom the present inhabitants refer the Muhammadan conquest 
of BayAna. The date given is 1 1 73 of Samvat, or A.D. 1 1 16, 
which is just 80 years earlier than the actual capture by Muhani- 
mad bin S4m in A.H. 592, or A.D. 1 196. If, instead of 
igdrah so tihatr^ or 1 173, we might read bdrah-so tirpan^ or 
1253 Samvat = 1 196, the date of Abubakr would agree with 
the true time of the conquest. The tomb itself consists of 
a couple of inscribed slabs laid side by side on the ground. 
Apparently they have belonged to two separate tombs of a 
later date. The inscriptions consist of sentences from the 
Korin, surrounded by flowered borders. The spot is con- 
sidered holy, and is surrounded by a brick wall forming an 
enclosure 50 feet square. 

About 50 yards to the east there is a very handsome 12- 
pillared tomb, 19 feet square, covered by a HindA dome of 
overlapping stones. The pillars are 16 inches square, and 


the whole building is still in very good order. There are two 
tombstones under the dome, and several more outside sur- 
rounding the platform, on which the pillared building stands. 
From its careful and solid execution it must have been the 
tomb of some person of consequence ; but there is nothing 
about it to afford even a guess as to the owner. 

At a short distance to the west of Abubakr's tomb, and 
close to the high road, there is a substantial tomb, 29 feet 
9 inches square inside, and 37 feet 3 inches outside. The 
walls are 3 feet 9 inches thick ; but the dome is gone. It is 
said to be the tomb of a certain Khdn<-Kh4nin, who was pro- 
bably the governor, whom I have already mentioned as hav- 
ing died in A.H. 907 = A,D. 1501-02. 

To the south of the tomb, on the side of the road lead- 
ing to Sikandra and Hindaun, there is a very handsome tomb, 
built entirely of red sandstone. It is a square of 29 feet 
3 inches outside, with three openings on each side. One of 
these openings forms the entrance, but the others are filled 
with stone trellises. Inside there are five tombstones ; but 
nothing whatever is known of the names of the occupants. 

There are many tombs scattered about the fields on all 
sides of the town, several of which have inscriptions contain- 
ing sentences from the KorAn. Many of these tombs are 
neatly built, but none of them are remarkable either for their 
workmanship or their size. 

GiNDORiA Well. 

In Abdul FazPs account of BayAna I found the following 
passage — 

'* Here is a well, with the water of which they knead the sugar 
into a paste like flour, and from it into cakes, which they call gan- 
dora ; and it is carried to great distances as a rarity. It cannot 
be made with any other water/' ^ 

This well still exists, and is still famous for the goodness 
of its water. But the sweetmeat is no longer manufactured. 
It is of course well known, as it is common all over Northern 

' Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, VoU II, p, 37. 


India, and, no doubt, it gave its name to the Bay&na well. 
The well itself is of square form, 12 feet on each side. In- 
side there is an inscription much injured by constant wetting. 
It consists of one line of Persian at the top, with nine lines 
of N&gari below. In the former I read the words '* Maramat 
Kandnid^^ at the beginning, and at the end, ** Fi ahad dolat 
Masnad'dli Muhammad Khdfiy^ with the date of Khamsin wa 
Samdnmtahf or A.H. 850. In the latter I find the date of 
Samvat 1503, followed by the words Sri Muhammad Khdn 
rdjye vartamdncy " during the prosperous rule of Muhammad 
Kh4n.'* Samvat 1503, or A.D. 1446, corresponds with the 
Hijra year 850. ^ 

I have not succeeded in reading the whole of the Sans- 
krit inscription, nor have I found any one to assist me at 
Simla. As I have given a photograph of the inscription in 
the accompanying Plate,^ the text need not be repeated here. 
It records the repair of the well by the ThAkur Amara Sinha 
in Samvat 1503, on Saturday, the 9th of the waning moon of 
Ashidha, in Path^yi (BayAna) during the prosperous rule of 
Sri Muhammad Khin. 


The suburb of Sikandra is situated 3 miles to the south 
of the present city of Bayftna, and close by the foot of the 
eastern entrance of Vijayamandargarh. Less than two cen- 
turies ago the houses and tombs and gardens of BayAna 
must have extended right up to Sikandra. But only the 
tombs and a few masjids now remain to show the former ex- 
tent of Bay&na in this direction. In the midst of the ruins 
to the east of the fort there still exist a small village which 
preserves the name of Sikandra. 

To the north of the village on a high mound there is a 
masjid of red sandstone in fair preservation. The building 
itself is 53 feet long by 19J feet broad inside, with seven open- 
ings in front, and two rows of pillars, forming two aisles. 
The roof is flat. Eighty-six feet in front of the masjid there 
is a rather picturesque entrance with a small domed room on 


each side. On one of the jambs of the doorway there is a 
short Nigari inscription, dated in Samvat 1577, or A.D. 1520. 
As this record is placed upside down, I conclude that the 
jambs must once have formed the pillar of some HindA tem- 
ple, and that the building of the mosque must be consider- / 
ably later than A.D. 1520. 

To the south of the village there is a similar doorway 
with its flanking domes leading also to a red stone masjid 
with a flat roof. It possesses some bands of blue glazed 

Immediately under the fort, and close to the foot of the 
hill, there is a large mosque, no feet long by 30 feet 
9 inches broad inside. To the front it presents eleven open- 
ings, with four rows of pillars in depth, forming three aisles. 
The middle portion, consisting of nine squares behind the 
three central openings, is covered with one large dome, 30 
feet in diameter.^ At each also the four back squares are 
covered with a single dome, 18J feet in diameter. In front 
of each of the end openings there is a small room, with 
an arched opening, of exactly the same size as one of the 
squares of the masjid itself, and with the same domed 
roof. The roof of the masjid, therefore, consists of one 
large central dome, and two smaller domes at the ends, which 
together occupy 17 squares. The remaining 16 squares are 
covered by small domes. The mosque is built with the grey 
stone of the neighbouring hill, the string courses only being 
of red stone. All the pillars have square shafts of 18 inches 
side, the outer row being doubled in depth, and not in front. 
The floor of the mosque is raised 8^ feet above the ground, 
and in each of the three outer faces of this terrace there is 
a single line of small rooms with the doors opening outwards. 
In the back wall there are eleven rooms, and in each of the 
side walls three rooms. These rooms were originally intend- 
ed to be rented to shop-keepers, for the purpose of raising a 
fund for the maintenance of the mosque. The inside of the 
courtyard is covered with dense jungle, and the entrance 

> See Plate XVIII, for a plan of this fine masjid. 


gateway I found quite inaccessible. There was, however, 
no inscription upon it, and not even a single letter was found 
on any of the pillars. 

In spite of its extreme plainness, for it is utterly devoid 
of ornament, this mosque has struck me as being a very fine 
building. Its solid walls, its lines of massive pillars, and its 
long rows of eleven symmetrical arches in front, have a very 
imposing appearance. I was, therefore, much disappointed 
in not being able to learn anything about its builder or its 
age. It is simply known as *' the Masjid." It is probably of 
comparatively late date, as there are no old Hindft materials 
in its walls. All its pillars were obtained from the quarries, 
and not from desecrated HindA temples. From its size and 
costliness I think it probable that it may have been built by 
Muhammad Kh&n, the KhAn-Kh&n4n, during the reigns of 
' Sikandar and his son IbrAhim Shah Lodi. 


• The great hill fort of Bay4na is known by the name of 
Vijayamandargarh, or the " Fortress of the temple of Vijaya." 
But as there is an inscription of R4]4 Vijaya P41a, to whom 
the building of the fort is attributed, dated in Samvat 1 100, 
or A.D. 1043, ^^^ present name does not reach beyond the 
beginning of the nth century. But the site had certainly 
been occupied for many centuries previously, as there is an 
old monolith of red stone perched on the very highest point 
of the fort, which gives the name of King Vishnu Vardhana, 
and the date of 428, or A.D. 371, if the era be that of 
Vikram&ditya. Here then we have the most satisfactory 
evidence that the hill was occupied some seven centuries 
before the time of Rk]k Vijaya PAla. 

This central and highest portion of the hill which forms a 
separate fort or citadel is said to have been named S&ntipAr. 
Mr. Carlleyle, who visited BayStna in 1871, describes it as 
being 2,140 feet in length, with a breadth of from 600 to 700 
feet.^ As Vishnu Vardhana gives the names of three of his 

* Arclueological Survey, Vol. VI, p. 57. 

VOL. p 


ancestors, the place must have been in possession of his 
family for about a century, or, say, from 250 to 350 A.D. As 
the inscription is a short one I give Dr. Buhler's translation 
in full : ^ 

'* Success ! After four hundred and twenty-eight years (428) 
had passed, on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Philguna, this 
sacrificial pillar has been placed in memory of that former performance, 
vis., a Pundarika sacrifice, by the illustrious Vishnu Vardhana 
Variiiftj whose kingdom and name are far famed — the virtuous son of 
Vaso Vardhana, the virtuous grandson of Vasardta, the virtuous 
great-grandson of Vydghrardta, for the increase of his prosperity, 
of the merit resulting from sacrifice, of his eternal welfare, of his 
fame, family, race, share, and enjoyments. May success attend (him), 
may increasing prosperity attend (him), may (his) sons remain alive, 
may the fulfilment of the eight kinds of desires attend (him). Have 
always faith/* (??) 

From Vishnu Vardhana's name I conclude with certainty 
that his father was a worshipper of Vishnu, and therefore, 
perhaps, a Yaduvansi RAjpAt, or descendant of Krishna. As 
his sons are mentioned, it seems most probable that the king- 
dom remained in the possession of his family for at least 
another generation, or to about A.D. 400. 

Between the time of Vishnu Vardhana and that of Vijaya 
PMa there is literally nothing now remaining. Close to the 
pillar Mr. Carlleyle found the traces of a large temple, which 
probably indicate the site of the Vijayamandar itself ; but the 
eighteen pillars taken from it to build a mosque are quite 

The next oldest inscription now existing in the fort is on 
a loose slab now lying outside the Taleti Mosque. It bears 
the name of Auhad Khin, with the date of A.H. 820, 01 
A.D. 1414. The year is recorded in the Indian form of 
hisad'Wa-'hist, instead of hasht-sad. I have found the same 
form in the inscriptions of the kings of Jaunpur and MAlwa. 
Timur Khan, the builder of the Dargfth, and of a well, " like 
the waters of Zem Zem, gives the governor Auhad Kh^n the 

* Archaeological Survey, Vol. V'l, p. 60. 


title of Khdn4'Kahir, or the " Great Khan." The following 
is the text of this inscription : ^ 

'' In the time of the mighty chief Auhad Khin, protector of the 
whole world, and ruler of the earth and the age — 
" The great lord Timur Kh&n, &c., &c., &c., 
" Built this house for prayer, 

" And near it a well equal t6 Zem Zem, y 

" Of great purity (may it be accepted by God) 
'' In the Hijra year eight hundred and twenty, 
" In the holy^month of Ramz&n." 

The Taleti Masjid, or " Lower Mosque, " is a plain build- 
ing of two aisles, with seven openings in front. It is 54J feet 
long by 2\\ feet broad inside. On one of the pillars there is 
a shortvHindii inscription of Samvat 1578, or A.D. 152 1. 
As this is more than one hundred years later than the inscrip- 
tion of Auhad Kh^Ln just given, I conclude that the buildings 
made by Timur Kh^Ln in the time of Auhad Kh4n were con- 
fined to the DargAh and well, and that the masjid belongs to 
a much later period. 

The most curious building in the fort is a Mdzina, or 
tower for the Muazzin to call the faithful to prayers. It is 
curious from its peculiar shape, which is like that of a com- 
mon baluster, being narrow at top, bottom, and middle, and 
swelling out intermediately,* It stands on the very top of 
the citadel, near the old monolith of Vishnu Vardhana, and 
forms a very conspicuous object on approaching the fort from 
the south. It is divided into two storeys, the lower storey 
being 42J feet in height, and the upper storey 32 feet. The 
lower diameter is 24 feet, and the upper diameter 15 feet 8 

' See Plate XVII for a. facsimile of this inscription, 

^ See Plate 7, VoU VI of Archaeological Survey, for a sketch. of this Min^r. 

F I 


inches. Mr. Carlleyle notes that it originally had a third 
storey, which was ruined by the explosion of a powder 
magazine. This is confirmed by the statement of Abul 
Fazl, who calls the Min&r " a very high tower. " ^ Its ori- 
ginal height must, therefore, have been upwards of loo feet, 
as suggested by Mr. Carlleyle. 

The inscription over the door begins with the usual — 

'* Praise be to God, the merciful, the element." 

in the upper line of the inner circle, below which is the 
Kalimah or Muhammadan creed — 

•* There is no God but Allah, 

" And Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. " 

I take exception to the usual rendering of the creed, by 
" there is no God but God, " which is a simple truism that 
might be uttered by Jews and Christians, as well as by 
Muhammadans, What the people of IslAm wish to assert is 
that there is no God save their own particular God, whom 
they call Allah. The Hebrews made a similar assertion re- 
garding their own God Jehovah — " There is no God like unto 
our God. " 

So also the HindA asserts the same of his own especial 

God Vishnu — 

Na Kesava same Deva, 

Na Mathura same dwija. * 

'* There is no God like Kesava (Vishnu), 

"and no Br&hman like one of Mathura. " 

Semicircular Inscription* 

^U^ •Sjb ei^l^Jt ^1 ^'Cc jJm../* aXU &Ul4)JLft. *Lft d^jc^ \j^^\^ 
« ,I^U hJ\j Jjto. %\ji ^U» J^ a**^ jyiiJi fy^jJ] JA y^l 

* Gladwin's Ayin Akbari, Vol. II, p. 37. 

* Vardha Pur&na, quoted by Mr Growse.— Memoir on Mathura, p. 120. 


'* This Minir was built during the reign of the Sultin, the firm, 
the just, NAsir ud-dunya-wa-uddin, the most mighty and just Sultin, thfe 
shadow of God on the whole creation, Muhammad Shih, may God 
prolong his reign, by His Highness (Masnad Ali),the most auspicious 
D&iid Kh&n, son of the late lord the blessed Muhammad Kh&n ; may 
God have mercy on him, and give him a place in paradise. '* 

The two horizontal lines continue the history : — 
^UJ| oi-uJI \^j\xJ] «jUJ|0Jb L^^JjUl 

4>o.^| ^tfi «XU^ ^ y^U. 4)^ae* ^\c *xLi^ ^ 

* uJji^l ^j^*^ J^ ^i^ ^^^ «^5-^ e/J s:)^ 

*' This holy Minir was ordered to be built by His Highness, the 
bestower of life and of rank, the most auspicious Didd Khin, son 
of His Highness Muhammad Khin, son of His Highness Auhad 
Kh&n, son of His Highness Mmn Kh4n Sidtki, commonly known as 

The history of the Minir is further continued on the 
jambs of the doorway, but only the right jamb now remains 
with the following inscription : — 

Right Jamb of Door. 

^J|^ JJ. diiU ^UI ^1 2^; ^1 ^^1/1 ^iu^l ^ix^l 

" May God bestow his blessing on that man who offers his prayers 
for the soul of the architect of this beautiful Minir, which has been 
built for the calling to prayer of Musalmins. The builder of this 
holy Minir was the weak and insignificant slave of God, the hopeful 
of His mercy, Mufid Khin. May God forgive him !" 

This is the same D&iid Kh&n that is mentioned by Ferishta 
as Governor of BayAna in A.H. 85i,orA.D. 1447.^ But 

' Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 541. 


there is a difficulty about the king's name, as the only Nasir- 
ud-din Muhammad known to history was the son of Feroz 
Tughlak, who died in A,H. 796. In 861 A.H. there was 
only one Muhammad actually reigning, namely, the Sharki 
king of Jaunpur, but his title is not known. He reigned 
during the years 861, 862, 863, and in spite of the absence 
of his title in the existing histories, I think that he must be 
the king referred to ; for I find from Ferishta that only a 
few years earlier, or in A.H. 849, A.D, 1445, " the zamindArs 
of Bay&na had placed themselves under Sult&n M&hmud 
KhAn Khalji of Malwa ; again in A.H. 855 some of BahloVs 
officers joined MAhmud Sharki, and, lastly, after Muhammad 
Sharki's death, that is, after A.H. 863, Ahmad KhAn JalmAni, 
Governor of Bay&na, " went so far as to coin money and read 
the Khutba in the name of the Sharki monarch." * 

D4ud Khan's two dates of A.H. 851 (Ferishta) and 
A.H. 861 (Min4r inscriptions) are in accordance with the 
date of the inscription of A.H 820 of his grandfather 
Auhad KhAn, and with that of his father, Muhammad Kh4n, 
in A.H. 850. 

The next inscriptions in date are attached to a Baoli well 
in the fort near the Taleti Darwdza^ or ** Lower Gate." One 
consists of nine lines of Sanskrit, giving the name of the 
Governor Kh4n Kh4n4n, with the double date of Samvat 
1553, and Saka 1418, both being equivalent to A.D. 1496 
and A.H. 901-102. The other consists of a double column 
of Persian verses, which also give the name of Kh^n Kh^L- 
n4n. Several of the lines are the same, word for word, as 
some of those over the doorway of the Ukh4 Minir. But as 
this last inscription is dated in A.H. 926, or twenty -four years 
later than that of the Taleti Baoli, the later poet must either 
have copied the verses of his predecessor, or he must have 
been the writer of both inscriptions. The latter was probably 
the case, as the interval between their dat-es is only twenty- 
four years. 

* Ferishta gives A.H. 856 as the date of Muhammad's death, but we know 
from the coins that Muhammad was reigning in 861, 862, and 863, and that Husen 
did not begin to reign until the last year. 


The whole of the Sanskrit inscription has not yet been 
read ; but, so far as I have been able to make it out, it seems 
to be as follows : — 

'* This well {vdpi) was built in the year of king Vikramiditya, 
1553* and in the Saka year 1418 (A.D. 1496), and the ind day of 
the waning moon of Ash4dha, on Sunday, in the Nakshatra of Uttara 
Ash&dha, by the victorious Kh&n Muhammad, son of Shekh Im&d, 
the fortunate Kh&n Kh&n&n, in Devya-sthin of Vijayamandar-garh." 

The text of the Persian inscription is as follows : — 

^jjUi ^/^*^ J|/w ^ J^^^ *^^A^ )^}^ 

^t,ja,l;>i.* • • • • • 

• • b \Sj^^y^ 

"Praise be to God ! In the time of the ruler of the earth (Sikan- 
dar Lodi), equal to Jamshid and Khusru, by whose counsels the world 
is enlightened, by whose good qualities the sweet basil {zemrdn) 
receives fragrance, at the sound of whose drum in the forest the lion 
flies before the antelope. [As good acts are pleasing to God, may 
God be pleased with him.] In his time this Baoli was made [3 
lines lost] on the 8th of the month of fasting (Ramzin) in the 


year nine hundred and one after the flight of Muhammad." [Satur- 
day, 21 May 1496, A. D.] 

The date in the NAgari inscription is equivalent to Sunday, 
29th May 1496 ; and, as the week day is given (Sunday), as 
well as the day of the month, both in writing and in figures, 
its accuracy is quite certain. The discrepancy between this 
date and that of the Persian inscription is eight days. It is I 

possible that there may be some mistake in the reading of j 

the date in the latter, as the letters have been much injured. 
For exact correspondence the Persian date should have been 
the 1 6th (sh&nz daham) of RamzAn ; but every one to whom 
I have shown the inscription agrees that the actual word is 
hashtam^ the 8th- 

The latest record in the fort is one of the Emperor B4ber, 
who reigned from A.H. 932 to 937, inscribed on the Taleti 
Gateway. Biber himself visited the fort in 933 A.H., just 
after the great battle of KA.nwa, and again on his return from 
Gwalior. But the inscription is badly written and in bad 
order, and no date has been found in it. 


The great fort of Tahangarh has hitherto escaped notice. 
It is now quite deserted, and the people are afraid to enter it, 
as it is quite overgrown with jungle and full of wild beasts. 
But in early days it was one of the famous forts of Northern 
India, and accordingly it attracted the attention of Muham- 
mad bin SAm, who captured it in A.H. 592, or A.D. 1196. 
Tahangarh is situated on the crest of the sandstone range 
of hills, from which the red and pink sandstones of Sikri, 
Rupb&s, and Bareti are quarried. It is 14 miles to the south 
of BayAna, and the same distance to the east of Hindaun, and 
to the north of Kafauli, to which state it now belongs. The 
fort is about three-quarters of a mile in length by one-quarter 
of a mile in breadth, and is generally considered strong. 
But its out-of-the-way position and inconvenience of access 
daunted even its Muhammadan captors, who found it " unsuit- 
able as a place of residence;" and, accordingly, the army 


retired to BayAna, where the governor Bah4-ud-din Tughril 
founded Sult&nkot as the capital of his province.* It con- 
tinued, however, in the hands of the Muhammadans, from 
whom it afterwards received the name of Isl5Lmab4d. 

The capture of Tahangarh is recorded by two contempo- 
rary writers. In the TAj-ul-Maasir, Hassan Nizimi says — 

"In the year A.H. 592 (A.D. 1196), they (i.e.y Muhammad bin 
SAm and his lieutenant Kutb-ud-din Aibak) marched towards Than- 
gar, and that centre of idolatry and perdition became the abode of glory 
and splendour, and when the ropes of the royal tent were raised to 
heaven, the neighbourhood was tinged with a hundred hues by the 
varied coloured tents which were erected round that fortress, which 
resembled a hill of iron. By the aid of God, and by the means of 
courage and the daily increasing prosperity of the king, that strong 
castle was taken, which had hitherto remained closed to all the 
sovereigns or princes of the world. 

" Kuwar P41, the RAi of Tahangarh, who had prided himself on 
the numbers of his army and the strength of his castle, when he saw 
the power of the army opposed to him, fear invaded his breast, and 
he b^ged for safety for his life, and, like a slave, kissed the face of 
the earth with the very roots of his teeth. Upon which he was par- 
doned and admitted into favour, and, though with the loss of his king- 
dom, was content that his life was left to him. The Musalm&ns and 
Harbin and Zimmis entered into conditions for paying revenue. The 
country was purified from the defilement of infidelity, and no oppor- 
tunity remained for opposition and rebellion. 

** The government of Tahangarh was conferred on 6ah&-ud-din 
Tughril, who was acquainted with matters of administration and the 
customs of setting soldiers in array, and who received advice and 
instructions from His Majesty how to comport himself properly in his 
new appointment." * 

Minhij-i-SirAj, in his Tahak4t-i-N4siri, makes the date 
A.H. 591, and says that — 

"when the fortress of Thangir (or Thankir), which is (in) the 
territory of Bay&na, with the RAi of which warfare was being carried 
on, was taken, it was made over to Bah&-ud-din Tuo^hrirs charge, 
and that part became flourishing and prosperous through his means. 
From different parts of Hindust&n and Khuris&n merchants and men 

* Raverty's Tabak&t-i-Nasiri, p. 545, 

> Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. II, pp. 226-27. 


of repute had joined him, and to the whole of them he was in 
the habit of presenting houses and goods, which used to become their 
property, so that on this account they would dwell near him." ^ 

The only notices that I can find of Tahangarh in later 
times, is the record of a visit by Sikandar Lodi in A.H. 91 1, 
and the statement that Alam Kh4n was its governor at the 
time of B^ber's invasion, while the neighbouring fort of BayAna 
was held by his brother NizAm Kh4n. 

The foundation of Tahangarh is ascribed to the YAdava 
RAjA Tahan PAla, the son of RAjA Vijaya PAla. The date of 
the father is known from a still existing inscription in the 
BAhari-Bhitari Mahalla Masjid of Bay&na, in which his name 
occurs, with the date of Samvat iioo, orA.D. 1043. The 
date of his son Tahan P&la may, therefore, be placed in the 
latter half of the same century, or from A.D. 1075 to iioo. 
The name is written Tahun by the bards, and it appears as 
Tewangarh in our maps. 

At the time of the Muhammadan conquest the reigning 
RA]& was Ku P4la, or most probably Kunwar PM, as written 
by Elliot. As the name in this latter form is found amongst 
the early successors of Tahan PAla in the bard's chronicles, we 
may accept it as the correct one. According to the bards, 
the RAjA fled across the Chambal river to Sabalgarh, but 
afterwards re-crossed the river and settled at Karauli, w^here 
his descendant still reigns. 

On one of the pillars of the entrance gateway of the for- 
tress there is a short Sanskrit inscription giving the date of 
Samvat 1244, or A.D. 1187, just nine years before the 
Muhammadan conquest.* Below the inscription are the names 
of Achyant Dhaj Jogi and Brahmandth Jogi^ in large rude 

On the northern tower of the gateway there is an inscrip- 
tion of three lines of very small writing, which gives the names 
of Ibrahim Lodi, Sikandar, and Bahlol, with the date of A.H. 

* Raver ty*s Tabak4t-i-Nasiri, p. 545. 

^ See Piate X for a/ac simile of this inscription. 


925, or A.D. 1519. In this inscription the place is twice called 
by the name of Islamabad ^ — 

obi ^Ul &*JL; i\>} fSU sKjI^J ^/ Uo ,lj JodJI ^1 ^U jjbl^ ^j f)\£ 

u^UI^^^Ai^ 0^ ^^ Go i^i^ ^1 j/ 

l^\Xt^ Jj^MK^si^ «\Ju ^Ait^wl (JO^ f^^* 

i«»LuA^ v^J!j' ^^^r* ^ ^ J viUv-o JL* 

" By order of the royal shadow of Hum4yun ShAh Adil, son of 
Sikandar Shih, son of Bahlol Sh4h * * , may God preserve his 
reign * * the humble servant of God, Alim Kh4n, son of Muji- 
hid Kh4n, during the time of his service in the fort of Isl4mab&d, built 
this kardrgah (place of rest) at the head-quarters of His Majesty, in 
the fort of Isl4m"ab4d. First of Rajaby A.H. 925 (Verse.) This 
dome, like the blue vault of heaven^ was built by the special servant 
of Ibrihim Sh&h Kai-khusru, like His Majesty, the noble of nobles 
AWm Khin, in the year 925 (A.H.)* 

On a masjid inside, there is an inscription of Salim or 
Isld.m Sh4h, the son^of Sher ShAh, dated in A.H. 953. It con- 
sists of 7 lines of very peculiar writing, all the letters having 
a great slope backwards. In it the king has the title of 
Muzaffar-ud-dunnya-wa-ud-din, which is never found upon his 
coins. The following is the text and translation of this 
inscription, which is chiefly taken up with the high-sounding 
titles of the king — 

* See Plate XIX for a/ac simile of this inscription. 

* The Humayun Shah Adil of this inscription is mentioned by Ferishta as 
one of the six sons of Sikandar Lodi. See Briggs, Vol. I, p. 564. 


f^l J vy*^*'c;i^*- d^^ r"j v^yi ^^ fJ^ *LiV^ ^1 OjGJ 

* ♦ * ^li. b , J ^..ii. A^l^ ^lit^ ^U JJ^ ^ ^U"U. ^ ^1 ♦ ♦ * 

* ^^J^ L^ 'cH^-^ J^ 

*' In the name of Allah, the benign and merciful, there is no 
one deserving of worship save Allah, and Muhammad is the messen- 
ger of Allah. This mosque was built in the reign of the master of the 
world, the centre of this earthly globe, the successor of Solomon, the 
supporter of the faithful, the great teacher, the most exalted sovereign, 
the lord of the people, chief of the rulers of Arabia and* Ajam, 
Muzaffar-ud-dunnya-wa-ud-diii, Abul Muzaffar, Aslim Sh&h, son of 
Sher Sh4h, the SultAn. May God 'preserve his kingdom and his 
Government, and may he exalt his dignity and his reign. In 953 
Hijra. Jalil Husen Firuki (a descendant of Umar, the second 


Dhandora is a small village 7 miles to the north-east of 
Hindaun, and 15 miles to the south-west of BayAna. It 
possesses a curious old Baoli, or stone reservoir, from 80 to 90 
feet square, with a continuous flight of twenty steps all round. 
At each comer there is a round tower with a square open 
pillared baithak, or terrace, in front of each, overlooking the 
water. There are sixteen pillars in each of these rooms, which 
are placed across the comers. Nothing is known about the 
builder, except that he is believed to have finished his work 
in one night. These corner baithaks might answer as dress- 
ing-rooms either on a wet day or an extremely hbt one, al- 
though the pillars, which are only 2 feet 9 inches apart, would 
be rather in the way. 

The Dhandora Baoli is similar to the Jh&lar Baoli of 
Bay&na, which has already been described. It is, however, on 
a smaller scale, as the J h Alar Baoli is 127 feet square. 


XXIII.— khAnwa. 

The great contest between the Path^ns and Mughals for 
the Empire of India was only partially determined at the 
famous battle of PAnipat, in which Ibrahim Lodi lost his life. 
The supremacy of the Mughals was not finally established 
until the following year, when BAber defeated the combined 
forces of HindAs and Muhammadans under the great Sisodia 
chief RAna SangrAma, or, as he is more commonly called, 
RAna Sanga. 

Early in January A.D. 1527 news was brought to BAber 
that RAna Sanga was actually on the march towards Bay Ana, 
and that he had been joined by Hasan Khan of MewAt. 
BAber calls this chief a Rdjd^ and says that he was ** the 
prime mover and agitator in all these confusions and insurrec- 
tions." ^ His contingent amounted to 12,000 horse, while the 
army of the confederates is estimated at 1 20,000 horse. BAber 
himself gives the total as 201,000, and mentions details which 
amount to 87,000, exclusive of RAna Sanga' s own troops. I 
can find no statement about the numbers of BAber's own 
army. He left Agra on i ith February 1527 and marched to 
Sikri, where he received certain information that RAna Sanga 
was then encamped at BhusAwar, only 40 miles to the west. 
Several skirmishes which took place between detached par- 
ties being in favour of the Hindus, BAber's troops became so 
much dispirited that he thought it prudent to fortify his 
camp. At the same time he remembered with compunction 
that he had frequently vowed to give up drinking wine, but 
had always put off doing so. But his situation now looked so 
serious that he resolved to carry his long-deferred vow into 
effect, and " never more to drink wine." The result is best 
given in his own words : * 

" Havin|; sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with all 
the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed ihem to be 
broken, and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The 
fragments of the goblets, and other utensils of gold and silver, I 

* Baber's Memoirs, p. 335. - Ihid.^ p. 354. 


directed to be divided among Darweshes and the poor. The first 
person who followed me in my repentance was Asas, who also accom- 
panied me in my resolution of ceasing to cut the beard, and of allow- 
ing it to grow. That night and the following, numbers of amirs and 
courtiers, soldiers and persons not in the service, to the number of 
nearly three hundred men, made vows of reformation. The wine 
which we had with us we poured on the ground. I ordered that the 
wine brought by B&ba Dost should have salt thrown into it, that it 
might be made into vinegar. On the spot where the wine had been 
poured out, I directed a wdtn to be sunk and built of stone^ and close 
by the wain an alms-house to be erected. In the month of Muharram 
in the year 935, when I went to visit Gwalior on my way from Dhol- 
pur to Sikri, I found this wain completed.''^ 

Now this bAoli (or wdtn) still exists, just as described by 
B&ber, on the west side of a small hill between the village 
of Khera and Mandi, just 5 miles to the north-east of 
Khinwa. The old high road went past the bAoli, but the 
present road lies to the east of the small hill. This bAoli, 
however, serves to fix the position of BAber*s camp at the 
time when " a general consternation and alarm prevailed " in 
his army. 

After a vigorous speech which greatly roused the spirits 
of his troops, BAber advanced " in order of battle for about a 
kos," or 2 miles, and then encamped. This was on Tuesday 
I2th March 1527. On the following day, 13th March, he 
marched again with the intention of offering battle, but 
after a short distance halted and fortified his camp. On 
Saturday the i6th March he advanced in battle array for 
nearly a kos, " and his men were engaged in pitching their 
tents when news was brought that the enemy's army was in 
sight." ' 

In the turgid official account of the battle written by 
Zein-ud-din, the encampment is said to have been '* hard by a 
hill, which resembled the grave of the enemies of the faith." 
The town of KhAnwa lies between two rocky ridges, and the 
battle must have taken place to the west of the village and 
the hills, as the enemy were advancing from that side, and 
because the people pointed out this spot as the scene of the 

' Baber's Memoirs, p. 358. 


procession of the ghosts of the slain bearing torches which 
still takes place at midnight. This procession is called 
Ganj Sahdha, and Ganj Shahidd. Sahdba means '* com- 
panions/' and the expression Ganj Sahdba^ or shahidd^ means 
** the assembly of ghosts." 

" The battle began about half-past nine in the morning by a de- 
sperate charge made by the Rajputs on B&ber's right. ^ Bodies of the 
reserve were pushed on to its assistance ; and Mustafa Rfimi, who 
commanded one portion of the artillery on the right of the centre, 
opened a fire upon the assailants. Still, new bodies of the enemy 
poured on undauntedly, and new detachments from the reserve were 
sent to assist them. The battle was no less desperate on the left, to 
which also it was found necessary to despatch repeated parties from 
the reserve. When the battle had lasted several hours, and still 
continued to rage, B&ber sent orders to the flanking columns to 
wheel round and charge; and he soon after ordered the guns to 
advance ; and by a simultaneous movement the household troops and 
cavalry stationed behind the cannon were ordered to gallop out on 
the right and left of the matchlock-men, in the centre, who also moved 
forward and continued their fire, hastening to fling themselves with 
all their fury on the enemy's centre. When this was observed in 
the wings, they also advanced. These unexpected movements, made 
at the same moment, threw the enemy into confusion. Their centre 
was shaken ; the men who were displaced by the attack made in 
flank, on the wings and rear, were forced upon the centre and 
crowded together. Still, the gallant R&jputs were not appalled. 
They made repeated desperate attacks on the Emperor's centre, in 
hopes of recovering the day ; but were bravely and steadily received, 
and swept away in great numbers. Towards evening the confusion 
was complete, and the slaughter was consequently dreadful. The 
fate of the battle was decided. Nothing remained for the Rijput 
but to force their way through the bodies of the enemy that were 
now in their rear, and to effect a retreat. The Emperor pursued 
them as far as their camp, which was about 3 or 4 miles from his own. 
" No victory could be more complete. The enemy were quite 
broken and dispersed. The whole fields around were strewed with 
the dead, as well as the roads to Bay4na and Alwar. Among the 
slain were Hasan Kh&n MewAti, who fell by a matchlock shot, 
Raul Udi Singh, of Dongarpur, Rai ChandarbhAn ChohAn, Minik- 
chand ChohAn, and many other Chiefs of note." ' 

' Erskine's Life of B&ber, Vol. I, pp. 472-73. 
» Ibid., p. 473. 


Bftber pursued the flying enemy as far as their camp, 
which was at Mahal Bansi, 4 miles to the west of Khd.nwa. 
This was one of the spots fixed upon by RAna Sanga as mark- 
ing the northern limit of his future dominion. On the small 
hill near KhAnwa, BAber directed ** a tower of the skulls of the 
infidels to be constructed," Search was made all over the 
hill for some remains of this " tower of skulls/' but in vain. 
I was disappointed also in not finding any traces of the battle 
in the shape of tombs. But the whole face of the country has 
been changed by the floods of the BAnganga river. The 
surface has been raised several feet by the accumulation of 
sand left by these floods. The floor of the Dar6 Masjid is 
between 2 or 3 feet below the present ground level. As the 
Masjid was built in A.H. 908, the rise of the soil has been 
some 4 feet in the last 400 years, or about r foot per cen- 
tury. The floors of some of the old houses still standing are 
said to be as much as 6 feet below the present ground level. 

On the top of the small hill to the west of the town there 
is a tomb which the people assign to Bhur6 Khan, but its date 
is unknown, and he is vaguely supposed to have been a 
Path^n. On the eastern hill there is a masjid on stone 
pillars, with four small minArs at the corners. Close by it 
there is a tomb of Pahar Badshah, of whom nothing is 

With reference to the procession of the ghosts of the 
slain which is said to traverse the field of battle at midnight, 
the people of KhAnwa are not singular in their belief, as 
I have found the same kind of superstitious fears still preva- 
lent at P&nipat and also at ChillianwAla. These beliefs 
must have originated very soon after the battles, as I heard 
of the Chillianw&la ghosts as early as 1864, only fifteen years 
after the battle ; and the ghosts of PAnipat are mentioned by 
Abdul KAdir during the reign of Akbar, about forty years after 
that battle. I cannot find the passage now, but I remember 
that he records being obliged to cross the plain at night, he 
felt awe-struck, and hurried over the battle-field as quickly as 
possible. Shouts of rage and shrieks of agony are said to 
be still heard, mingled with the groans of the wounded and 


dying. The same tale is now told at Chillianwala, where the 
field of battle is known as ^^ katal-garh^^ or the "place of 
slaughter." Moans of pain and wild lamentations are said 
to be beard at night by people passing near the grave-yards, 
which lie between the 30th and 31st mile-stones from GujarAt. 
The ground about the 3 1 St mile-stone is low; and as the Sikhs 
occupied a ridge to the west, they could see into the hollow ; 
and it was there that the great slaughter of the 24th Regi- 
ment took place. 

It is a curious fact that the date of the battle of KhAnwa 
is wrongly recorded by BAbar himself; and that the error has 
not been observed either by Erskine or by Dowson. B&ber 
says that it took place on Saturday, the 13th of the second 
JamAdi, A.H. 933. But the 13th was Sunday in that year; 
and Saturday was the 12th. 

The year 933 A.H. began on Monday, 8th October 1526, 
which day was, of course, the ist of Muharram. B&ber states 
that the 24th Muharram was a Wednesday, which is correct. 
He also makes the 15th Safara Wednesday, and the i6th of 
Rabi I a Friday, both of which are right. He s also correct 
in making the 9th of JamAdi I a Monday, and the 14th 
a Saturday.^ But he makes Sunday the 21st instead of the 
22nd, as is also noted by Erskine. AH these dates bring us 
to Monday as the last day or 30th of Jamidi I, and to 
Tuesday as the ist of Jam^di H ; and therefore Saturday 
was the 12th, and not the 13th, of that month. There is no 
mistake about the day of the week being Saturday, as Shekh 
Zainuddin repeats the name in a quotation from the KorAn — 
" since God has given a blessing on your Saturday. * *' 

Tod has made a whole bundle of mistakes in assigning the 
date to K&rtik 5, in Samvat 1584, which he says was 16th 
March 1528.' Now KArtik corresponds with October, and 
SamvfLt 1584 mostly with A.D. 1527. He omits also to say 
whether the day was in the dark half or the light half of the 

> Baber's Memoirs, pp. 346, 347, 351. 

' Ihid,, p. 361. 

• Tod's Rijasthan, 8vo, Vol. I, pp. 255-56. 



month. The true Hindft date was Saturday, the 13th Chaitra 
Sudi, in Samvat 1584. 

XXIV— rupbAs. 

I was induced to visit RupbAs from the report of its 
monoliths and inscriptions, which were said to be very old. 
The monoliths which are lying at the quarries may be old, 
but there is nothing about them to show what their age may 
be. The statues at the temples are all very rude, and ap- 
parently quite modem. The inscriptions are undoubtedly 
quite recent. 

The oldest is a figure called Baldep, cut in the rock. It 
is a sleeping figure, 22J feet long, with a seven serpent- 
hooded canopy. One hand holds a Vajra^ or thunderbolt. 
The inscription is — 

R&m. Samvat 1666 varshe, M&gh mllse, Krishna pakhe, 
pratipada Dev&w&sare n4tha anda daule paralake. 

" Samvat 1666, or 1609 A.D. was the 5th year of Jahingir's reign/' 

A second sleeping figure of Ndrdyana^ also cut in the 
rock, is 21 feet long and 7 feet 4 inches broad. It has only 
two arms. One hand holds a lotus, and the other a garland. 
There are five attendant figures called the five Pandus. 

A female figure, called Revati^ is 19 feet 3 inches long. 
It is very rudely cut, with long thin legs. One hand holds a 
flower ; the other rests on the waist. Hanumd.n stands at the 
feet holding a shell in one hand. The inscription is — 

Baraj k4 R4j4 Ranjit Singh 

Miti M4gsir, Sudi 10, Samvat 1854, 

Sri Mit4ji— 

*' Ranjit Singh, RAj4 of Braj, on the loth of the waxing moon of 
M&rgasiras, in the Samvat year 1854 (A.D. 1797), established Sri 

A male figure, 9 feet 2 inches long and 6 feet 9 inches 
broad, is attended by a female holding the feet. The group 
is called Lakshmi-N&rAyan. Its inscription is — 

Sri R&mji 
Samvat 1888, varshe miti 
Asoj diije, Sudi 10, Rabiw&r« 


R&ja Badat, M&me Mah&rij Sri 
Balwant Singh ji^ Mfirti Lachimi 
Naraini triti * iki paya r4irw& 

*' Sri Rimji. In the Samvat year 1888 (A.D. 1831), on Sunday, loth 
of the waxing moon of Asoj, Rij4 Badat, uncle of the Mahir4j4 
Sri Balwant Singh, established these figures of Lachhimi-Naraini." 

The R3.J4 of Bharatpur is very anxious to be considered 
as the lord of the classical district of Braj^ or the country 
around Mathura. Unfortunately the greater part of Braj is 
within the British boundary. The R&jAs of Bharatpur have 
been particularly anxious to have the holy hill and town of 
Govardhan ceded to them. 


In the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for 1866, 
there is a notice, by Captain Melville, of an old temple 
situated at Dubkund, in the very heart of the great jangals 
to the south-west of Gwalior.^ The exact position of Dub- 
kund is on the top of the table-land between the Kunu and 
Chambal rivers, 76 miles to the south-west of Gwalior direct, 
and 44 miles to the west-north-west of Sipri. By road the 
distance from Gwalior is 98 miles. 

Babu JwAla PershAd, who accompanied Captain Melville, 
describes the inscription on one of the pillars as dated in 
Samvat 741, during the reign of Bekram Singh. The true 
date, however, is very much later, or Samvat 1145, or A.D. 
1088, during the reign of MahArAjA-dhirAja Sri Vikrama Singha. 
There' is no king of this name in the Gwalior lists ; but, as the 
king's son is called the Kachhapaghdta-vansa'tilaka^ or 
ornament of the Kachwdha race, as well as the Yuva Rdjdy it 
seems nearly certain that the RAjd. must have been connect- 
ed with the KachwAha family of Gwalior. 

I did not visit the place myself, as I had to go to Maha- 
bodhi (Buddha Gaya) and Calcutta, which I was able to do 
by rail, while my servants marched by regular marches to 
Dubkund. All the measurements and copies of inscriptions 

> Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. XXXV, p. 168. 

6 I 


were made by some of my old servants under the superin- 
tendence of my draughtsman, Babu Jamna Shankar Bhatt, 
who has had much experience of this kind of work during the 
last ten years. 

The temple of Dubkund is situated near the western 
end of an oval-shaped enclosure, 750 feet long by 400 feet 
broad. The entrance to the enclosure is at the east end, 
near a deep rock-cut tank, 50 feet square, which still contains 
good water. At a short distance inside there is a ruined 
BrAhmanical temple of Hara-Gauri, with the ruins of many 
houses to the north. But the jangal inside was so thick that 
it was difficult to move in any direction. Pathways were 
cut by the wild aboriginal Savaras, or Sahriyas, as they are 
called in the Gwalior territory. The jangal consisted chiefly 
of the large-thorned bAbul and the small thomed ber, with 
thick brushwood and grass, which could only be cleared by 

Captain Melville in his account speaks of the remains as 
'* Biiddhist ruins," but all the statues are undoubtedly Jaina 
figures, and one of them still retains the name of Chandra 
Prabha (the Chunder Perboo of JwAla PershAd). Captain 
Melville notes it as — 

" a curious fact that these ruins were unknown to any of the natives, 
except the Sheriahs, or half savages, that inhabit this jangal. The 
native surveyor Jw4Ia Pershid says that all the legends about this 
place seem to show that formerly it was a very celebrated temple, 
and a great place for pilgrimage. They state ' (at a date unknown) 
many years ago, a R4j4 from the west came with an army to this 
temple, carried off the gold and silver images, broke up the other 
sculptures, and threw a large portion of them into the kund^ and 
ever since the place has been deserted, and called DUb kdndj 

or the ' Tank of the sunken ' (figures). 

The Baniyas of the neighbourhood, of course, know that 
the temple belongs to the Jaina religion, and they all agree 
that it must have been built by some rich Sr^ogi Baniya, but 
no name was known. Only one single individual said that 
two brothers, named Dob4 S4h and Bhesa SAh, built the 
temple, and that Amar Singh, a Mahratta chief, broke several 
of the statues. 


The Jain temple of DAbkAnd is a square enclosure of 8 1 
f^et each way :* on each side there are ten rooms. The four 
corner rooms have doors opening outwards, but all the rest 
open inwards into a corridor, supported on square pillars. 
The entrance is on the east side, which has, therefore, only 
seven chapels, there being exactly eight chapels on each of 
the other three sides. Each chapel is 5 feet 8 inches square. 

Each of these thirty-five chapels (thirty-one opening in- 
wards, and four comer rooms opening outwards) originally 
contained a statue, of which only broken pieces now remain ; 
but there are many of the pedestals still in situ^ with richly 
carved canopies above. The entrance to each chapel is also 
most elaborately carved, after the fashion of the entrance to 
the sanctum of a BrAhmanical temple. There are four figures 
on each jamb, and three large seated figures on each lintel, 
one in the middle, and one at each end, with small standing 
figures between them. 

Each chapel is roofed with overlapping slabs in three tiers ; 
the two lower layers cutting off the comers, and the third 
covering the upper small square. The corridors are roofed 
with plain slabs. 

The pillars of the corridor are square, with tum-overs above 
and below, and four-bracket capitals to receive the architraves. 
Including the capitals, they are 7 feet 5 inches high. 

In the south-eastern corner shrine outside there are three 
tall standing statues, all naked. The middle one is 12 feet 
6 inches high, by 3 feet 8 inches broad. It was sunk deep in 
the ground, but was cleared down to the feet. The floor is 
deep below that of ttie chapels inside. The two side statues 
are each 9 feet 9 inches high by 2 feet 4 inches broad. 

The chapel roofs have mostly fallen in. Of the corridors 
all are complete, but two of the projecting corners have 
fallen. Outside there were three female statues richly cloth- 
ed, besides many broken figures. No statues were found 
inside. All had been broken and carried outside. All the 
male figures are quite naked, and therefore they must have 
belonged to the Digambara sect of Jains. 

* See Plate XX for a plan of this temple. 


On one of the pillars there is a short inscription of three 
lines, which reads- 
Sam vat 1152— Vais&kha sudi panchamyain|| 
Sri K&shtha Sangha Mah&ch&rya Varya Sri Deva 
Sena p4duk& yugalam. 

On the pedestal of one of the broken figures there is a nearly 

obliterated inscription dated in "Samvat 1151 Sri Deva/' 

and of S. 1 1 5 1 . On a third pedestal of a tall standing figure 

there is an inscription of two lines without date. It is useful, 

however, as it mentions the name of the statue^ — 

Lashu Srethino k^ti|| Srim&n V&su-pratima 
Sethini Lashmih.H 

Vasu, or VasupAdya, was the 12th of the 24 Jaina pontiffs. 

In the south cloister one of the pilasters is made broader 
than the rest (16 inches) to receive a long inscription of 59 
lines. This record is dated in Samvat 1 145 and opens with 
the words — 

Aum! namo Vtfar£gdya.\\ 

" Glory to VitarAga." This is one of the titles of Buddha as 
well as of the Jaina saints. It means simply one whose pas-^ 
sions have been subdued, the " free from passion/' The 
inscription has not yet been translated, but I have found the 
names of Srt Sdnthindtho jinah^ and Sri Maj-jinddhipatiy 
which are sufficient to show that the record belongs to the 
Jaina religion.* But the naked statues declare the same 
thing, as no Buddhist figures are ever represented naked. 

The people of the country are chiefly Savaras, or SahriAs, 
as they are called in Gwalior, who live as wood-cutters and 
charcoal-burners. In my account of the Savaras, given in 
Volume XVII, I have already referred to this section of the 
aborigines, who inhabit the Seopur jangals to the south-west 
of Gwalior. I am now able to add a few details. The Savaras 
of Seopur have lost their own language, but they retain the 
same physical appearance as their brethren to the south and 
east. Out of twenty-seven men who were measured, the 
tallest was 5 feet 10 inches, and the shortest 4 feet 10 inches ; 

* See Plate XXII for copies of these short inscriptions. 

' See Plates XX and XXII for a/ac simile of this long inscription. 


the average height being 5 feet 4f inches. Their names also 
are peculiar, as 18 out of 27 end in the vowels a, «, and i; or 
8 in ^, 6 in Uy and 4 in t. Six of the names are, however, 
undoubtedly pure Hindii names ; and perhaps two or three 
others may be of Hind A derivation, but the remaining two- 
thirds have no connection with any Aryan words. 

I have already noted that not a single statue now remains 
on its pedestal, and that all the figures lying round about are 
broken. Amar Kandu, a Mahratta chief, is said to have 
broken some of the statues. No one accuses the Muhamma- 
dans, and I can scarcely believe that they have ever visited 
the place. But it is the fashion now to attribute the ruin of 
all temples to the iconoclastic Muhammadans, and certainly 
the followers of IslAm have plenty to answer for in India. 
But it must be remembered that Buddhism had disappeared 
m Northern India long before the Muhammadan conquest, 
although it still lingered in BihAr, or Magadha, where it first 
originated* The following extracts from two Sanskrit works, 
written by the Brihmans, are quite sufficient to show that 
persecution was quite as rampant amongst the HindA priest- 
hood as amongst the most bigoted of MusalmAns : — 

A setor-&-tushidre Bauddhin&m virddha-b41ak&n na hanti sa han* 
tanyo bhritydn ityanwasdt nirpah. 

" The king commanded his servants to put to death the old men 
and the children of the Bauddhas, from the bridge of RAma to the 
snowy mountain ; let him who slays not be slain.'' 

This is Wilson's translation of MAdhava Ach^rya's account of 
the persecution of the Buddhists by king Sudhanwan, at the 
instigation of KumAril Bhatta, — 

" who, as he preceded Sankara Achirya, may have lived in the 6th or 
7th century, or even earlier. " ^ 

Wilson observes that the commands of king Sudhanwan were 
not likely to be obeyed from Cape Comorin to the Himalayas. 
But the question at issue is not the extent of Sudhanwan's 
dominions, but the spirit which dictated such an order. We 
have first the Brahman Kumaril Bhatta, " the great authority 

* Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. XVI, p. 258; and also Royal Asiatic 
Society's Transactions, Vol. I, p. 442. 


of the MimAnsakas," recommending this sanguinary persecu- 
tion of the Buddhists to king Sudhanwan, followed by the 
king's order to put to death both young and old, and then 
the subsequent exultation, in Moslem fashion, of the Br4hman 
MAdhava AchArya in recording it. 

That the persecution of the Buddhists extended to North- 
ern India, and that it included the Jains, we learn from another 
BrAhman, Krishna Misra, th^ author of the Prabodha Chan- 
drodaya, who wrote before the time of Kirtti Varma of 
Mahoba, A.D. 1065 to 1085. In this drama Religion gives 
an account of the final discomfiture of the heretics, Bud- 
dhists, Jains, and others ; when 

, ^ *,«.*,, the heretics, Digatnbaras, or Jains 

the Saugatas or BAddhists fled to concealed themselves in 


GAndhAra. Milava. ^ , . , ,. , 

*, J, ALL" f which lie near the 

Magadha. Abhira. 

Andhra. Anarta 

Hun a. 




Here we see that the Buddhists sought refuge in Magadha 
or Bih&r, while the Jains fled to PanchAla, or Rohilkhand. 
The truth of this statement is proved by the numbers of 
Buddhist remains still existing throughout BihAr, and by the 
great number of Jain temples which I found at. Ahichatra, 
the capital of PanchAla. 

The Buddhists have passed away altogether, but the Jains 
still exist in considerable numbers in several parts of India. 
The great majority of the bankers and corn-merchants (or 
Baniyas) are Jains. But all their wealth and influence have 
not been able to save them from the persecution of Brihmans. 
Everywhere, even at the present day, at Delhi, at Agra, and 
at other places the BrAhmans have succeeded in preventing 
the Jains from holding processions. The persecution has not 
proceeded from the bigotry of the MusalmAns, but from the 
more rampant intolerance of the BrAhmans. Hence I am led 


to believe that the destruction of the numerous Jain statues 
at DubkAnd was most probably also the act of the BrAhmans. 


At the small village of Kadwai on the KohAri River, 16 
miles to the east of DubkCind, there is an old carved temple 
dedicated to Vishnu. The temple is only 14 feet square out- 
side, and 5 feet 3 inches by 4 feet 7 inches inside, but it is 
large enough to enshrine a statue of Vishnu 5 feet high by 
2| feet broad, with two other figures of the VarAha incarna- 
tion of Vishnu and Ganesa. In the outside panels there is 
one figure at the back and two figures on each side. The 
temple is built of a pale-coloured sandstone. 

The existence of this temple at so short a distance from 
DClbkiind would seem to show that the country around the 
great Jain Temple must have been occupied by a numerous 
HindCl population shortly before the time of the Muhamma- 
dan conquest. At the date of the DClbkiind inscription in 
Samvat 1 145, or A.D. 1088, the throne of Gwalior was occu- 
pied by R4]4 Mahi-P^lla, one of the most powerful of the 
Kachw^lha princes. 

XXVIL— pAroli. 

At the foot of the hills, 9 miles due north of the fortress 
of Gwalior, there is a good-sized village named Piroli, which 
possesses several ruined temples of small size, which probably 
belong to the later Gupta period, or about 500 A.D. I found 
only two imperfect inscriptions, in one of which the place is 
called Pdrdsaragrdmay which I presume to have been the 
origin of its present name of P^lroli. But the inscriptions 
themselves are not older than 1000 Samvat. Great stress is 
laid on the first syllable of the name, for the purpose of dis- 
tinguishing it from the large village of Pardvaliy 7 miles to 
the north. 

In the accompanying Plate I have given a plan and sec- 
tion of one of these temples to enable the reader to compare 
the style with that of the undoubted Gupta temples of Eran, 


Tigowa, Udayagiri, and Pataini Devi.^ But the PA^roli temples 
were all of small siz^, the most perfect one now remaining 
being less than 5 feet square inside, and only 6 in height. 
Outside, this temple, with its basement, is 12 feet long, 10 feet 
broad, and 10 feet high. Its sides are formed of single slabs, 
only 8 inches thick, and its flat roof is also a single slab, 
about 10 feet by 8 feet. These temples would appear to 
have been dedicated to Vishnu, as there is a figure of Garuda 
over the centre of the doorway of a smaller one, with the 
Navagraha, or "nine Planets," sculptured on the frieze 

There must, however, have been several larger temples in 
former days, as there are many remains of pillars and pin- 
nacles of large size lying about the village. 

All the existing temples have got the second or lower 
cornice, which is one of the peculiar characteristics of the 
Gupta style of architecture. 

But the most curious and interesting object now remain- 
ing at PAroli is a small altar-like stone crowned with a full- 
blown lotus flower. It is i foot 9J inches square at bottom 
and I foot 6 inches high. Its mouldings are somewhat like 
those of a temple, with a small projection on each of the four 
faces, ornamented with a human figure. At each angle of the 
top there is a quadrant -shaped parapet, with a low rim on each 
front, which rises slightly above the base of the lotus ; and as 
there is a small hole on one side, cut through this rim, I con- 
clude that this monument must have stood in the open air, 
and that the hole was intended for letting the rain water run 
off. Under this view I think it possible that this lotus monu- 
ment may have been the uppermost member of a short spire 
which once crowned one of the small flat-roofed temples. I 
have never seen anything like it before, and I confess that I 
feel much puzzled about its appropriation. 

The quarries of PAroli are famous for the strength and 
whiteness of their sandstones. As beams they are frequently 
used up to 18 feet span, as in the verandahs of the tomb of 

' See Plate XXIII for the P&roli remains. 


Muhammad Ghaus in the city of Gwalior. The P&roli sand- 
stones also make the most durable hand-mills on account of 
their hardness. 

XXVIII.— parAvall 

Seven miles to the north-north-east of P&roli, and i6 miles 
nearly due north from the fortress of Gwalior, there is an old 
town named ParAvali, with the remains of a very fine old 
temple on a high mound, and a collection of more than a 
hundred temples, large and small, in a retired valley to the 
south-east. The old name of the town is said to have been 
Dhdron ; and the people assert that the three old towns of 
DhdroUj Kutwdl^ 6 miles to the north-west, and Suhaniya^ 
10 miles to the north-north-east, originally formed one large 
city. It is possible that their suburban gardens may have 
joined in some places ; but there are no traces of houses 
between the towns to justify the belief. The people of 
Suhaniya tell the same story, that their city was 12 kos 
in length. 

The chief objects of interest at Par^lvali are— 

1. The old temple on the mound near the village now called 

Garhi^ because it has been turned into a small fort, or 
garhiy by adding towers to the walls of the enclosure. This 
was done by the R&na of Dholpur early in the present 
century. ^ 

2. The Chaua-Kua, or a ''covered well," one-quarter of a mile 

to the west of the garhi. 

3. The temple of Bhuteswar in the secluded valley half a mile to 

the south of the well^ and three-quarters of a mile to the 
south-west of the garhi, 

4. Temple of Vishnu in the valley. 

5. Lingam temple in the valley. 

6. Platform of a large temple in the valley. 

Several of the smaller temples are also curious, but 
they are mostly dilapidated, and have lost their enshrined 

The Garhi is an oblong enclosure, consisting of two 

^ See Plate XXIV for a map showing the sites of all these buildings. 


distinct parts, or an upper court and a lower court. The 
upper court is the old enclosure, or platform wall, of the 
temples, of which two richly ornamented portions are now . 
exposed : one on the north, below which the ascent is made 
to the entrance ; the other in the middle of the south side, 
where the central tower and part of the wall have fallen, 
showing an inner wall similar to that which is exposed on the 
north. The upper court is 1 60 feet long by 105 feet broad, 
and the lower court is of the same length, but only 90 feet 
in breadth. The height of the mound is from 25 feet to 30 
feet. But the mound itself stands on a rising ground, which 
extends from the village of Par&vali for half a mile to the 
westward, along the foot of the hill. The whole of this high 
ground is covered with stones and broken walls, the ruins of 
the ancient city of DhAron. 

The temple consists of on open pillared hall, or Mandapa, 
25 feet square.^ The roof is supported on sixteen large pillars, 
19 inches square, with the angles indented. The entrance 
is on the west through an outer hall {ardhamandapa)^ sup- 
ported on two pillars. These are shorter than the pillars 
of the hall, but the requisite height of roof is obtained by a 
double architrave. The sanctum itself is entirely gone, and 
only its two entrance pillars now remain, with its lintel broken 
right across. A second architrave, which is lying on the 
ground, is also broken. The architraves over all the pillars 
are very richly sculptured. On the eastern architrave the 
principal figure is Surya, and on the western architrave the 
central figure is K4li. On the south are the figures of Siva, 
Vishnu, and Br&hma, and on the north a group of Hara- 
Gauri. I think, therefore, that the temple must have been 
dedicated to Siva. It is now utterly desecrated, an upper 
storey having been added as a private dwelling-house, with 
a curved Bengali dome. This was added in the time of the 
Dholpur R4na. 

There are several short inscriptions on the pillars of the 
temple, amongst which is a record of the ubiquitous Jogi 

* See Plate XXV for a plan of this temple. 


Magaradhwaja in large thick letters. Here, however, he has 
added two syllables to his name, as — 

Jogi 700 — 

On another pillar there is a record of a secend Jogi in 
the same kind of letters — 

Aum ! Jogi Bhagati-nitha— * 

There are several inscriptions in more modern characters, 
dated respectively in Samvat 1428, 1588, 1590. and 1594, 
but they are only pilgrims' records. 

Outside the Garhi, towards the village, there is an old 
sati pillar, which appears to be dated in Samvat 944, or A.D. 
887. I read the remaining part of the record as 

Aum ! Samuat 944 varshe M&gha Sudi 3 — 

" Hail ! in the Samvat year 944 (A.D. 887) on the 3rd of the waxing moon 
of Magha " 

The date is a very early one for a sati pillar, as most of 
the early sati stones are not inscribed. 

The Chaua kila is a large well, 13 feet 8 inches in 
diameter, covered by a roof supported on ten pillars. On 
the east and west sides there are two pillars between the cor- 
ners, but on the north and south sides there is only one in- 
termediate pillar. On the west side the roof is extended for 
upwards of 6 feet to form a verandah. The roof is, therefore, ob- 
long, being 18 J feet from north to south, and 22 feet from east 
to west. On the east and west sides the low walls only, 2^ feet 
high, on which the pillars stand, overlap the edge of the well, 
so that the drawers of water can drop their vessels without 
striking the wall.^ The whole building stands on a stone 
plinth, or platform, 4^ feet in height, which extends beyond 
the pillars on all sides, being 35 J feet long by 28^ feet broad. 
Outside this platform, in the middle of the west side, there 
is a small temple of the Gupta period, only 6 feet long by 
4 feet 8 inches broad inside. The jambs of the door, which 
would have shown the figures of the Ganges and Jumna, aris 
gone, but the lower cornice, which is one of the peculiar 

' See Plate XXVI for a plan of this well and temple. 


characteristics of the Gupta style, still remains. In the three 
panels outside there are figures of Ganesa, K^rtikeya, and 
MahA^deva. The enshrined figure is gone ; but, standing 
outside, against the plinth wall, there is a large six-armed 
female figure with a child, which most probably belonged to 
the temple. It is 4 feet 9 inches in height. 

Near the centre of the east wall of the plinth there is a 
very large pipal tree, and outside the south-east comer there 
is a stone trough for watering cattle, 9 feet 2 inches long, 
3 feet 6 inches broad, and i foot 5 inches deep. 

On the top of the low wall surrounding the well there is 
an inscribed slab, bearing the date of Samvat 1528, or A.D. 
1 47 1, in the time of Mah^rAja Dhir&ja Sri Kirtti Singha Deva, 
who was one of the Tomara Rijas of Gwalior from A.D. 1454 
to 1479'^ But the well must have been built many centuries 
before his time, as the style of the temple is undoubtedly of 
the Gupta period, while the pillars show that a complete 
re-arrangement must have been made at some period long 
subsequent to the original erection. Thus, the two northern 
pillars of the verandah, marked A and B, have octagonal shafts, 
with plain kumbhas; while the two southern pillars of the 
same verandah, marked C and D, have twelve-sided fluted 
shafts, with richly carved kumbhas. 

In the valley, or kho^ to the south-west there is a confused 
assemblage of more than one hundred temples of various 
sizes, but mostly small. The largest now standing is called 
Bhuteswara, which is a name of Siva. But this was not 
the original destination of the shrine, as there is a figure of 
Garuda over the centre of the sanctum doorway, which shows 
that the temple was first dedicated to Vishnu. A plan of 
this building is given in the accompanying Plate.* It was 
rather smaller than the Garhi temple, its hall, or mahamandapa, 
being only 20 feet square. Its sanctum is 6 feet 9 inches by 
6 feet 7 inches inside, with a small -anteroom of 2 feet. On 
the right jamb of the doorway stands a figure of the Ganges 

> See Archaeological Survey, Vol. II, p. 382. * See Plate XXVI. 


on her crocodile, and on the left jamb a figure of the Jumna 
on her tortoise. The pillars of the hall are nearly plain. 
The pyramidal spire over the sanctum is 15 feet 4 inches 
square, where it springs from the flat roof. 

Amongst the multitude of small temples there are a 
few in very fair preservation. Most of them have flat roofs, 
with sides formed of single slabs placed upright, and a 
small portico, or entrance hall, in front resting on two pillars. 
I observed only one little temple, of 4 feet 9 inches opening, 
with a pyramidal top to its roof. To the north of the Bhutes- 
wara temple, just outside a small tank cut in the rock, 
there are two continuous rows of these small temples forming 
a sort of street. If some of the larger ones had possessed 
open pillared halls in front, they would have been little inferior 
in size to the Bhuteswara temple. 

One of these shrines, dedicated to Siva, is 12 feet 6 inches 
long, by 12 feet 2 inches broad, outside, with a sanctum of 5^ 
feet by 5J feet, and a small sanctum hall of 2 feet 1 1 inches. 
Inside there is a lingam. Outside, on the back wall, there is a 
trimArtti, or three-headed bust of Siva, on the north wall a 
figure of Ganesa, and on the south wall a group of Siva and 
P^irvati. Close by there is a large square slab with another 
trimftrtti bust, which apparently once belonged to the inside 
of this temple. On the jambs of the doorway there are 
figures of the Ganges and Jumna, on their vdhans the cro- 
codile and the tortoise. The roof is flat, but there are 
some traces of a pyramidal tower on the top. 

A second shrine, dedicated to Vishnu, is of much the same 
size outside, with a sanctum 6 feet 8 inches square. It has 
figures of the Ganges and Jumna on its door jambs. 

To the north-north-east of the Bhuteswara temple there is 
along plinth, or platform of a temple, of unusual shape. It is 
42 feet 8 inches long from east to west by 29 feet 8 inches broad, 
with a projection on the south side, 1 1 feet 8 inches square. 
From its shape I conclude that the temple which occupied 
this site must have consisted of three distinct rooms, but not 
a stone now remains to give a clue to the original structure. 

To the north-west of the Bhuteswara temple there is a 


long row of nine rooms, each forming a separate temple about 
6 feet deep, and from 4J to 6 feet front. One of them has 
a pyramidal top, and a second possesses a short inscription, 
dated in Samvat 1107, or A.D. 1050. In front there is a 
fine large well, 11 feet 10 inches in diameter, or just the 
same size as the Chaua-Kua. 

XXIX,— kutwAl. 

The old town of KutwAl on the south bank of the Asan 
river, 17 miles to the north of the fortress of Gwalior, is said 
to be the ancient Kuntalpuri. It is evidently a very old site, 
from its commanding position, covering one of the best fords 
on the Asan river. The site is a low rocky hill, with a similar 
hill at a little distance to the east, which is now unoccupied. 

Many broken statues are now lying about. One of these, 
near a well on the east side of the town, looks as if it had 
once been attached to the end of a toran beam of a gateway. 
It has the upper half of a female figure on each face, with 
one hand raised, and holding the branch of a tree. 

A curious fragment in red sandstone represents a full- 
blown lotus flower in very high relief, with two large buds 
rising out of the water, which was indicated by wavy lines. 
The flower was shown in perspective, the only specimen of 
such a treatment that I have ever met with. 

On a pillar, in a comparatively modern masjid, there is a 
NAgari inscription, dated in Samvat 1522, or A.D. 1465, dur- 
ing the reign of R4j4 Kirtti Singha Deva, another of whose 
inscriptions was found at ParAvali. Kirtti Singha was the 
Tomar Rk]k of Gwalior from A.D. 1454 to 1479. For further 
information about KutwAl, or KutwAr, as it is also called, see 
my Report in Archaeological Survey, Vol. II, p. 397. It is 
there said to be known as Kamantalpuri, but the only name that 
I could hear of during my present visit was Kuntalpuri, and 
this is also the name which was given to Wilford in the be- 
ginning of the century. 

One mile to the south of the city of Dholpur there is a 

EASTERN RAJPUTANA IN 1883-83. ' 1 13 

pretty little tomb surrounded by trellised railing of red stone, 
which is the last resting-place of Bibi Zarina. In the RAj- 
putana Gazetteer she is called Mussummat Zarina, and her 
death is said to have taken place on the 14th of Shabin 922 
A.H., while the tomb was not built until A.H. 944. ^ But the 
short inscription of three lines at the foot of her tomb gives 
a iomewhat different account — 

Waf&t y&ft Bibi Zarina marhum batirikh Chah&rdaham m&h 
Shab&n, roz ekshambah Sanh 942. 

"The late Lady Zarina died on the 14th of the month Shaban, 
on the first day of the week (Sunday), in the year 942 A. H. )" * 

But who was Bibi Zarina who died in A.H. 942 ? I think 
it highly probable that she was Zarina, the mother of Sikandar 
Lodi, thie beautiful daughter of a goldsmith, who, after the 
death of her husband Bahlol Lodi, addressed the assembled 
nobles from behind a curtain in favour of her son. ' 

" He was objected to by Isa Kh&n^ a nephew of Bahlol, on the 
ground of his mother Zaina being the daughter of a goldsmith, 
' What business,' he exclaimed, ' have goldsmiths' sons with govern- 
ment, since it is proverbial that monkeys make but bad carpenters.* 
The names are the same, as Zaina is only a contraction of Zarina 
the golden." 

As her son Sikandar was only in his i8th year when he 
succeeded to the throne in A.H. 894, he must have been 
bom in 877, and her marriage with Bahlol must be referred 
to the previous yean And if we allow her to have been 15 years 
old, her birth will be referred to 862 A.H. In 942, therefore, 
she would have been 80 lunar years' old, or about 78 solar 

Now, this is about the same age as was attained by 
Akbar's mother, Hamida Begam, who was 14 years old when 
she married HumAyun in A.H. 948. She was, therefore, bom 
in 934, and as she died in A.H. 10 14, she was then 78 lunar 
years old.* Jodh Bii, also the mother of JahSngir, was upwards 

'Raj putana Gazetteer, Vol. I, p. 267. 

•See Plate XXXVII. 

' Briggs's Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 573, 

"•Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 4:5— Tabakrft-i-Nasiri, quced 
in note. 

Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. V, p. 214. 



of 71 years old when she died in A.H. 1032 ; while Akbar's 
first wife, Rakiya Begam, reached the great age of 84 lunar 
years or 82 solar years. ^ It seems to me, therefore, that there 
is a very strong probability in favour of the identification of 
Bibi Zarina with Zaina, the mother of Sikandar Lodi. Bibi 
is a common title given to Queens, as in the well known case 
of Tk] Bibi, for MumtAz-i-zam4n, the wife of ShAh JahAn. 

The people have a curious story about the tomb, which 
shows of how little value many of these so-called traditions 
may be. According to the popular story, Zarina was the 
daughter of the Emperor Shihjah&n She remained un- 
married, and was constantly praying to God that she might 
die a virgin. Accordingly, it happened one day when 
she was praying in a garden, that the earth opened, and she 
and all her female attendants disappeared. The neighbouring 
mosque is said to have been erected in remembrance of her, 
and the four tombs outside her own are assigned to her four 

Now, the neighbouring mosque was built in the year 
944 A.H., during the reign of the Emperor Humiyun, the 
great grandfather of Sh^hjah^n, as recorded in an inscription 
on the mosque itself. The tomb also bears the date of 942 
A.H., so that both buildings are just one century older than 
the time of Sh4hjah&n. 

The lady, whoever she may have been, is now looked 
upon as a holy woman, and offerings of bangles are made at 
her tomb. 

The tomb of Bibi Zarina is a four-pillared building, 9J feet 
square, surrounded by a trellised screen of red stone, 25 feet 
square. At the head of the sarcophagus is engraved the 
Kalmish, and at the foot the inscription containing the name 
and date of Zarina's death, which has already been given. 
On each side of the Sarcophagus some sentences from the 
Kor&n are engraved. 

XXXL— tejAra. 

The fine old town of Tej4ra is situated 30 miles to the 

> Blochmann Ain-i-Akbari« p. 309. 


north-north-east of Alwar, and 60 miles to the north-west 
of Mathura. It was one of the chief towns of the KhAnz^das 
of MewAt, and for a long time was their capital. It contains 
about 8,000 inhabitantis, and possesses many fine buildings 
of its KhSlnzAda rulers. It is surrounded also by numbers of 
magnificent trees,— the banian, nim, pipal, mango and others. 
The old city was situated about one mile to the east of the 
present town. Its site is now marked by one good-sized 
Muhammadan tomb, an idgah, and a well, and a number of 
sati cenotaphs, or domed chatris. I counted sixteen of 
these sati monuments, which are said to belong to the HindA 
wives of the KhS-nzida chiefs. The present town of TejAra 
stands on high ground, some portions being apparently mounds 
of accumulated ruins. The site is said to be very healthy. 
The following are the principal buildings now remaining. 

(i) A great Pathin tomb to the south of the city, now 
called Bhartari, because the land on which it stands formerly 
belonged to a HindA of that name. It is one of the largest 
tombs in Northern India. It is said to have been built by 
Al4-ud-din Alam Sh5.h, the brother of Sikandar Lodi, who 
was for a long time governor of Tej^ra under Sikandar. He 
disagreed with his nephew Ibrahim Lodi, and joined B^ber on 
his invasion in A.H. 932. He lived into Humiyun's reign, 
but it is not known when or where he died. 

The tomb is an octagonal building of the style that pre- 
vailed during the hundred years' rule of the Sayids and Lodis 
from A.H. 830 to 930. But it is much larger than any of the 
Delhi tombs of that period. Its outside dimensions are 128 
feet in breadth, by 115 to 120 feet in height. The centre 
room is 48 J feet in diameter, with walls 17 feet thick, beyond 
which is an open verandah, of 9^ feet, with walls 9^ feet thick.^ 
The terrace plinth, which is 13 feet high, extends for 3f feet 
beyond the walls, thus making the whole breadth of the base- 
ment 128 feet. At each angle outside, attached to the up- 
right walls, there is a sloping buttress, which is one of the 
characteristic features of the style of the Sayid and Lodi 
architecture. There are three doorways, 6J feet wide, on 

* See Plat^ XXVII for a plan of this tomb. 


each side of the outer walls, and only one doorway, of the 
same width, on each side of the inner walls. These inner 
ualls thus form eight great blocks of masonry, each of which 
contains two small rooms, 5^ feet long by 4 feet broad. 

Externally there is a second storey, 15 feet broad all round, 
with a battlement parapet 4 feet thick, and an octagonal 
cupola 7i feet in diameter in the middle of the terrace on 
each face. 

Above this ^here is a third storey, which occupies two- 
thirds of the thickness of the inner walls, the innermost 
third being the wall of the dome, which is 5^ feet thick On 
the terrace there is a small cupola, 5 feet square, at each angle, 
and another in the middle of each face, or altogether sixteen 
small cupolas* 

Externally the lower part of the dome is octagonal, with a 
small semi-circular minaret at each angle, above which it rises 
in hemisphere. The spring of the dome is 65 feet above the 
floor. Externally the dome is quite plain ; but it is crowned 
by a handsome octagonal cupola, which stands on a spreading 
floriated base. There are several other examples of this 
ornamental style of cupola at TejAra. The dates of the 
buildings are not quite certain, but I see no reason to doubt 
the belief of the people that one of them is the tomb of 
Al4-ud-din Khinzida, the son of Bahadur Nihar^ who died 
between 840 and 850 A.H. Some, however, say that it is 
the tomb of Ali-ud-din Alam ShAh, the brother of Sikandar 
Lodi, who was governor of TejAra for many years. The tomb 
of MubArak Sayid, in Mubirakpur Kotila at Delhi, has a 
similar style of cupola, but in a much less developed form. 
Mubirak was assassinated in A.H. 837. There is also an 
example of the same form on a great Tomb at Alwar, which 
bears the name of Fateh Jang, and the date of Samvat 1604, 
or A.H. 954. 

This grand tomb at TejAra stands in the middle of a 
small earthen redoubt, with a ditch and ramparts all round. 
It is now used as a barn by the HindA proprietor. 


At a short distance to the south-west of Bhartari there 
is a very pretty stone masjid, standing on an earthen terrace, 
raised 10 feet above the fields. It. is 77 feet long by 25 
feet broad, with three openings in front, but only one dome 
is visible from the outside. In front of the entrance, at a 
distance of 21 feet, there is a neatly built tomb, 32 feet 10 
inches square, resting on a stone plinth 35 feet square. This 
is said to be the resting-place of the last of the KhAnz&das, 
named Hasan Khin, the opponent of B^ber, who fell 
on the fatal field of Kh^nwa in A.H. 933 (i6th March 
A.D. 1527). Inside the tomb is 25 feet square, with a door- 
way on each side. The building has the usual wide-spread- 
ing caves and battlements, with a hemispherical dome, sur- 
mounted by an octagonal cupola, on a spreading foliated base. 
There is no inscription of any kind, but the people are unani- 
mous in assigning the tomb to Hasan KhAm 

At a short distance outside the town on the east there 
is a well-built stone mosque which is simply known as the 
LAI Masjid, from its red colour, It is 115 feet long by 40 
feet broad outside, with fluted miners at the four corners. 
There are arched doorways in front, opening into a long 
room, 100 feet by 25 feet, which was once covered by three 
domes, of which the middle one was taller and larger than 
the others. The south dome has now fallen. The centre 
dome is hemispherical, with vthe remains of a spreading foli- 
ated base of a pillared cupola on the top. The date of the 
building is unknown. 

Near Hasan Kh4n's tomb there is a well-built tomb 
standing in the midst of a raised courtyard, with a ruined 
gateway on the east side. Both tomb and gateway are 
inscribed with verses from the Korin in well-formed letters 
generally in good preservation. Nothing is known about the 
owner of the tomb. 

The town of Tej4ra is frequently mentioned during the 
long period of the KhinzAda government, or for nearly a 
century and-a-half, from the death of Firoz Tughlak in A.H. 
790 to the battle of Khinwa in A.H. 933. Its foundation is 
ascribed to Tej PAl, the Yaduvansi RijA, who sought refuge 


with the R&]4 of Sarhata on the capture of Bay^a and 
Tahangarh by the first Muhammadan king, Muhammad bin 
Sara. The ruins of Tej P^l's palace are still pointed out in 
Mohalla Mirdhon of TejSira, and his descendants are said to 
have resided there until they became Muhammadans in the 
reign of Firoz Tughlak, when SAmbhar Pk\ moved to Sarhata 
as Bahadur KhAn Nahar, while his brother Sopar Pal moved 
to Jhirka-Firozpur as Chajjukhan. Some say that it was 
their father Lakhan Pal who first embraced Islim. 

In A.H. 812, or A.D. 141 1, Tejara and Sarhata were 
plundered by Khizr Khan, governor of the Panjab, who in 817 
became king of Delhi.^ Baber says that the ancestors of his 
opponent Hasan Khan had governed Mewat in uninterrupt- 
ed succession for nearly 200 years, and that Tejara was their 
capital.' In another place he calls him Raja Hasan Khan 
Mewati, an infidel, who was the prime mover and agitator in 
the insurrection against the Mughals.' The title of Raja and 
the term " infidel " show that Baber was aware of Hasan Khan's 
Hindu descent, and the period of '* nearly 200 years" most 
probably refers to the date when his ancestor became a 
Muhammadan in the reign of Firoz Shah between A.H. 752 
and 790. 


The old town of Sarhata, now a mere village, is situated 
under the hills 4 miles to the east of Tejara. It is said to 
have been the capital of the early rulers of the country before 
the Muhammadan conquest, when Tej Pal Yaduvansi fled 
from Bayana, and sought refuge with the descendant of Su- 
sarmajit, Raja of Sarhata. In spite of its ruined condition, I 
obtained twenty-eight old coins at Sarhata of which three 
were Indo-Scythian. 

The only building of any consequence now remaining at 
Sarhata is a stone masjid called Mahal. It is a long pillared 
hall of three aisles, with seven arched openings in front, sup- 

* Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 44. 

* Baber's Memoirs, pp. 368-69. 

* Ibid., p 335. 


ported on double square pillars.^ The dimensions are 65 by 
30 feet outside, and 54^ by 26f feet inside. The building 
stands in a highly raised courtyard, upwards of 80 feet square, 
pierced with eight openings on each side. Its roof of twenty- 
one small domes forms a conspicuous object at some distance. 
The miners at the back angles are sloping. Access to the 
roof is obtained by staircases in the thickness of the side 
walls. The back wall has the usual mthrdbs, or niches, as 
well as the usual projection outside immediately behind the 
central mihribs. The date of the masjid is not known, but 
from its general correspondence in dimensions and details with 
the masjid at Kotila, I think that it may be assigned to the 
time of Bahadur NAhar, who held Mew^t under Firo? Tughlak 
and his immediate successors at the end of the 8th century of 
the Hizra. He is said to have made Sarhata his capital. 


The old town of BahAdurpur is situated 13 miles to the 
north-east of Alwar, near the end of a low range of hills. It 
is supposed to have been founded or revived by Bahadur 
N^har, or by one of his sons.' But as the name is written 
Bahudravyapura in a Jaina inscription, I suppose that the 
town must have flourished during the Hindii period, and that 
its name was changed to BahAdurpur during the rule of 
BahAdur N^lhar between 1375 and 1400 A. D. Major Powlelt 
describes it as having once been — 

"extensive and flourishing, with large bazars and numerous fine 
houses, temples, and tombs." 

The inscription just referred to is fixed in the wall of a 
ruined Jaina Temple on the east side of the town. I read it 
as follows — 

I — Sam 1573 varse, Ash&dha badi 4 dine 

Sri Bahudravyapura Sri Sri 
2 — M41a Sanghenam Adinitha chaityam kAritam 

Pratishthitam Sri kha * * * 
3 — Sri Jina Hansa Suri vijayarijye, 4charya 

Sri Punya Ratna Si^riti. 

' See Plate XXVIII for a plan of this masjid. 

' Major Powlett in Rajputana Gazetteer^ Vol. Ill, p. 279. 


"In the year 1573 (AD. 1516), on the 4th day of the waning 
moon of Ash4dha, in Sri Bahudravyapura, this temple of Adin4tha 
was built by the fortunate MAla congregation under the prosperous 
pontiff Sri Jina Hansa SAri, and the teacher Sri Punya Ratna Suri." 

In an old well there is an Arabic inscription of many 
lines ; but the whole is so much worn away as to be generally 
illegible. The usual opening of Bismillah, &c., can be 


The earliest notice of Alwar that I have been able to find 
is in Ferishta, who states that HemrAj, in A.H. 590, or A.D. 
^I93> "issuing from the mountains of Alwar," had driven 
Gola Rai towards Ranthambhor, and that he retreated to 
Ajmer on Kutb-ud-din Aibak's advance.^ The fort is said 
to have been built by the Nikumbha RAjpAts, who held the 
country before the Kh&nzftda occupation. Indor also is said 
to have been built by the Nikumbhas, but I failed to get any 
information about them. According to Major Powlett, they 
were extirpated by Al&wal Kh4n KhAnzAda in Sam vat 1549, 
or A.D. 1482, near the end of Bahlol Lodi's reign. Al&wal 
KhAn would appear to have been a son of Ahmad KhAn and 
the uncle of Hasan KhAn, the opponent of Baber. 

The origin of the name is unknown. Major Powlett 
mentions that some derive it from Alpur^ the " strong city," 
and others from Arbalj the name of the mountain range on 
which it is situated. Arhali means "higgledy-piggledy," 
which is descriptive of this broken and confused mass of 
hills. Arhali also is applied to any broken ground. Arbalpur, 
or Alpur, would therefore simply mean the city, or fort, on the 
Arbali hills. I have a strong suspicion, however, that the old 
name was derived from the tribe of Salwas, as the early 
Muhammadan authors mention the capital city of Salmur, in 
the hills to the south of Delhi. Salwapura would become 
Salwar, and as the name is spelt with the palatal S. it might 
pass easily through Halwar to Alwar. The country of the 
Salwas appears to have lain between the Saraswati and the 
Jumna, and adjacent to Matsya. 

^ Briggs's Ferishu, Vol. I, p. 193. 

EASTERN RAJPUT AN A IN 1882-83. 121 

There are no old HindCi buildings at Alwar, and there is 
only one Muhammadan building of any great age. This is 
apparently a PathAn tomb of early date. It now stands in 
the heart of the city, and two of the principal streets pass 
through it at right angles. The walls are very massive, and 
the dome is very low and flat. Nothing whatever is known 
about its builder. 

Near the railway station there is a large square tomb 
of Fateh Jang, who died in Samvat 1604, or A.D. iS47. He 
is called a Path^n, and from the date I think he must have 
been the governor of Alwar under Isl&m ShAh immediately 
preceding Chand KAzi, whose inscription, fixed on the bank 
of the Salim SAgar in the fort, is dated in A.H. 958, or A.D. 
1550. The inscription of Fateh Jang is inscribed in Nftgari 
characters in the veranda of the ground- storey. It reads as 
follows : — 

Samvat 1604 
* * * 55 Phate Jang 

Kha waphaiti pai terikh 27 M&h sa — 

w&i \ikh d& (?) gumatani haini terikh 3 likhita tej (?) 

Here the strange-looking waphaiti must be intended for the 
Arabic wafdtj or '* death," which took place on the 27th of 
the month of Shaw&l. Fateh Jang is said to have been a 
relative of the King of Delhi. 

The tomb is 60 feet square, and consists of three storeys 
of the same breadth, with seven openings on each face of each 
storey, and fluted octagonal miners at the four angles. The 
dome springs from an octagonal neck standing on a fourth 
square storey, of smaller size, or about 40 feet each side. It 
is crowned by a small square cupola, resting on a foliated 
base, like those of the Tej4ra Tombs. 

The Tomb stands in the midst of a large square enclosure, 
with a small masjid on the west side, and a gateway on the 
south, which still preserves some traces of ornament in blue 
glazed tiles. 

XXXV.— rAjgarh. 

The old town of R^jgarh is said to have been founded in 


Samvat 202, or A.D. 145, by the BargujAr RfijA BAgh Singh, 
and the B&ghola embankment, which spans the valley near 
the palace, is believed to have received its name from him. 
Whenever a son is born in R&jgarh, offerings are still made to 
B&gh Singh, so that his memory is still green, although the 
rule of the Barguj&rs has long since passed away. Some 
remains of the old town are pointed out, about one mile to the 
east of the palace, near the iron mines, where the walls of a 
large building about 100 feet 'square were being dug out at 
the time of my visit. The bricks were 18 by 9 by 3 inches, 
and may have formed part of RA]4 BAgh Singh's city. They 
are certainly as old as the date assigned to him, RAjft B4gh 
Singh is said to have been changed into a lion, which is the 
figure now worshipped on the B4ghola embankment, under the 
form of a lion rampant, called BAgh Rk]k. Offerings of 
sweetmeats and ro/i are made to him, and both goats and 
buffaloes are occasionally sacrificed in his honour. 

Under a banyan tree on the Bd.ghola embankment there 
are three life-size Jain figures, all standing upright and naked. 
There are also the two jambs of a highly ornamented doorway 
of a temple, besides numerous broken figures, all apparently 
Jain. They are said to have been dug up 100 years ago, 
when the present town was being built. 

New Rajgarh, a town of 1 2,000 inhabitants, is situated in 
a gorge of the hills, 22 miles to the south of Alwar. The 
fort was built by PratAp Singh Naruka, and the ditch was 
added by Banni Singh. But RAjgarh suffered considerably 
by the removal of the capital of the Naruka chiefs to Alwar 
towards the end of the last century. Its former extent is 
shown by the numbers of fine gardens which now surround it 
on all sides. 


The village of Talao received its name from the fine large 
sheet of water on which it is situated. It lies between two 
ranges of hills at the eastern end of an almost circular valley^ 
about 8 miles in diameter. In the middle is Tehla, with a 

EASTERN RAJPUT ANA IN 1882-83. 1 23 

small fort on an isolated hill, and at the west end is Dapkan, 
at the foot of the ghftt leading up to the ruined city of 
PAranagar, and the holy temple of Nilkanth MahAdeo. Talao 
is f 4 miles to the west of R&jgarh and 25 miles to the south- 
south-west of Alwar. The lake was about 600 yards long 
from north to south by 400 yards from east to west at the 
time of my visit in February. On the west there is a broad 
artificial embankment, with an outlet at the south*west corner. 
The village is to the north of th^ lake. 

On the north side of the lake there is a ruined temple 
standing in the water, about 100 feet from the bank. The 
temple is called Jahin} It is approached by a narrow 
earthen causeway, which is covered by the water during the 
rainy season. The temple consisted of the usual open hall, or 
mdndapa, supported on sixteen pillars. The entrance was on 
the north side facing the village through a portico of two pillars. 
On the east and west sides there were similar two pillared 
porticoes, and on the south was the sanctum, which has now 
altogether disappeared, with the exception of two^architraves 
lying in the water. The mandapa was 29 feet square. The 
pillars are all square with the angles indented. Including 
the bases and bracket capitals they are 7 feet 9 inches high. 
All are highly ornamented with human figures. Inside there 
are a few small niches still remaining, with figures of Hara- 
Gauri and DurgA seated on a lion, which prove that the 
temple must have been dedicated to Siva. 

There is an inscription on one of the pillars ; but it is only 
a pilgrim's rude scrawl, and is in such bad order that I could 
not read three consecutive letters, and I was unable to find 
any traces of a date. 

The lake is said to have been made by a Bargujar RAjA 
named Menh, or Mehan. When it was finished, the water all 
became blood-red. The R4j4 consulted his pandits^ who told 
him that the water had become impure because the work had 
been done by low-caste Khatiks (or Cham4rs),and they sug- 
gested that the only way of purifying it was by sacrificing 

^ See Plate XXIX for a plan of this temple. 


his son, with his wife, his horse, and his servants, in the lake. 
The RftjA consulted his son, who agreed to the sacrifice. 
The red water was then drained off, and a room built in the 
bottom of the lake ; into which the RAjA's son, with* his wife, 
his horse, and his servants^ all entered. Six months' food 
was given to them, and the room was closed, and a temple 
built over it ; and when the rainy season came on, when the 
lake was again filled, the water remained pure. 

It is the universal belief 'that whenever the water of the 
lake overflows, the R&j^'s son, named Chaturbhuj, is seen 
at night riding down the hill on a blue horse from the highest 
point, which is therefore called Raja-ki-dungri. Some say 
that two torches are carried before him, and that his servants 
follow behind until all disappear in the lake. 

According to another version the appearance of the 
RAj&'s son riding on the blue horse precedes the fall of rain. 

» XXXVII.— pAranagar. 

The old capital of the Bargujar R&j&s, named PAranagar, 
is situated on a lofty range of hills, 8 miles to the west of 
Talao, and 28 miles to the south-west of Alwar. It is a large 
fortified city of difficult access, but is chiefly remarkable for 
its possession of the holy temple of Nilkanth Mah^deo, 
which is the most famous place of pilgrimage in this part of 
the country. Major Powlett describes it as follows*:— 

" At one time on the plateau of these hills there was a consider- 
able town^ adorned with temples and statuary. Its old name is 
RAjor or RAjorgarh. It was the old capital of the Bargujar tribe 
of R&jp(its when they ruled in this region. Tod speaks of it as a 
place of great antiquity. The most remarkable remains are a colossal 
, human figfure cut out of the rock, similar to some of those on the 
fort-rock at Gwalior ; a comparatively large pyramidal domed tem- 
ple, richly decorated with figures, which, here and in porches, seem 
deserving of study; columns there are beautifully sculptured in the 
style of those at Baraoli in Mewd.r, though on a much smaller scale, and 
of the temple of AmarnS-th, not far from Bombay. Indeed, the tem- 
ples at all three places are both in honour of the same deity — Siva, 

' Gazetteer of Rajputana, Vol. Ill, p. 287. 


and, as inscriptions show, erections of the same century, or within 
a few years of Ihe same century, of the Hindu era, namely, the tenth. 
The date, Samvat loio, is clearly legible on a figure of Ganesh in 
the large temple of Nilkanth." 

But the name of the ruined fort and city which was the 
capital of the Bargujar RflLj^Ls is not Rdjor^ as stated by Tod 
and Major Powlett. R4]or is situated 4 miles' to the north 
of the ruins, and the old capital is universally known as 
PAranagar, and by no other name. I encamped at the foot 
of the hill, close to the village of Dapkan, or Dapkani, and 
within sight of the walls of PAranagar, under which name it 
will be found in the Trigonometrical Map of India, Atlas 
Sheet No. 50, at 4J inches, or 1 7 miles direct, to the west of 

RajAwar, or Rajauri, is also mentioned by Mr. Carlleyle 
as an ancient place of the Bargujars, but he calls the old 
capital Deoti.^ There is a fine lake at Deoti, and also a 
palace belonging to the R4]4 of Alwar, but it was never a 
placie of any size or consequence. 

The ruins of PAranagar extend for about one mile in length. 
The walls of the fort are attributed to Madhu Singh, or 
Mftndu Singh. The former was a R&j& of JaypAr, who 
reigned from A.D. 1760 to 1778. The latter gave his name 
to the fine tank M&ndu T4la, at the foot of the P&ranagar 
Hill, near the village of Dapkan. One of the gates of the 
city is still called after Jay Singh, R4j4 of JaypCir, who reigned 
from A.D. 1698 to 1742. It seems certain, therefore, that 
PAranagar must have continued to be a place of some con- 
sequence down to the beginning, and perhaps as late as the 
middle, of the last century. I would attribute its decline to 
the permanent removal of the ruling authority to Alwar in 
the latter half of the last century. 

Inside P&ranagar there is an old tank called Lachoro, and 
on its embankments there still exist many temples. Many 
buildings also and bAolis still remain amongst the ruins. In 
one of the ruined temples there is a colossal Jaina figure, 

' Archaeological Survey, Vol. VI, p. 83. 


13 feet 9 inches high, with a canopy of 2 feet 6 inches over- 
head, which is supported by two elephants. The whole height 
of the sculpture is 16 feet 3 inches, and its breadth 6 feet. 

The famous temple of Nilkanth MahAdeo is said to have 
been built by R&jA Ajay P4l, one of the Bargujar chiefs. An 
inscription of twenty -two lines is said to have been found near 
the temple about two years ago by a Mina. It was supposed 
to have been taken to Alwar, but no one at Alwar had ever 
heard of it. There is, however, a short inscription under a 
figure of Ganesa, which bears the date of Samvat 10 10, or 
A.D. 953 ; and this was most probably the date of the erec- 
tion of that temple, as the general style of the building 
belongs to the period. The only words that I could read 
distinctly were '' Sri Mdhdrdjd^^ the letters being much wea- 
ther-worn and indistinct. 

The temple of Nilkanth Mah4deo is a lingam shrine 
dedicated to Siva. The sanctum containing the lingam is 
only 6 feet square inside, and 18 by 14 feet outside. The 
temple faces the west. At the entrance to the sanctum 
there is the usual outer room, or ardha-mandapa^ and beyond 
it the open hall, or maAa-wawrfa/tf, supported on sixteen pillars, 
with an open portico on each of the other three sides,^ The 
four central pillars of the hall are round, 16^ inches in dia- 
meter, and all the others are 18 inches square with the angles 
indented. They are 10 feet 10 inches in height, and are 
ornamented with bands of men and lions. Outside the sanc- 
tum is covered with a spire, which rises to 38 feet in height 
to the base of the pinnacle. On all three sides there is a band 
of figures 2 feet 9 inches in height. On the south the middle 
figure is Siva with eight arms. On the north side is Nara 
Sinha, and on the east side, or back of the temple, is Surya. 
The roof of the hall, or maha-mandapa, is very richly carved. 
The whole building is 59 feet broad, with a height of about 45 
feet to the top of the pinnacle that crowns the spire. 

Nothing is known about R4J4 Ajaya P41 ; but we may 
safely accept him as a Bargujar RftjA, as the date of Samvat 

* See Plate XXIX for a plan of this temple. 


1 010, or A.D. 953, is long antecedent to the Kachw&ha 
settlement in DhundAn 

Close to the village of Dapkan, at the foot of the hill, 
there are the rough foundation walls of several ruined tem- 
ples, amongst which I found a figure of Ganesa, and many 
fragments of naked Jaina sculptures. To the south of the 
village there is a long embankment of a tank now dry. On 
it there are the remains of several temples. Dapkan, there- 
fore, would appear to have been a place of some size when 
P&ranagar was the capital. 


Jhirka, or Firozpur-Jhirka, as it is commonly called, is a 
very old town at the southern end of the Gurgaon district, 
75 miles to the south of Delhi. It is situated at the mouth 
of a ravine which forms a narrow but easy pass leading to- 
wards Tej^Lra, 14 miles to the north. The old Hindii name of 
Jhirka, or Jharka, was derived from the springs of water which 
spurt from the rocks in the pass, and form a perennial stream, 
with numerous clear and sparkling pools. There are many 
pretty nooks in the pass, with remains of fortifications in two 
or three places. The town itself is fortified, but its strength 
lies in the position at the mouth of a narrow ravine, which 
could be easily defended by small numbers. In early days 
the position was, no doubt, covered by thick jungle. Here 
the Mew^tis always sought safety when hard pressed by the 
Delhi troops. Thus, in A.H. 795, or A.D. 1393, BahAdur 
NAhir, when attacked by Tughlak II, abandoned Kotila, and 
fled to Jhirka. Again, ia A.H. 828, when Mubarak Sayid 
ravaged Mew&t, the people took refuge in Jahra (read Jharka, 
and not TejAra, as Colonel Powlett suggests). Here also 
Sher ShAh's famous general KhawAs KhAn retired from the 
persecution of IslAm ShAh, and here he defeated the king's 
army. Near Firozpur-Jhirka the famous prince SangrAm 
SAh of Mewftt was joined by the KhAnzAda chief Hasan 
Kh&n, before marching to oppose Bftber.^ This junction 

* B&ber's Memoirs, p. 370. 


of his enemies' troops at Jhirka most probably brought the 

place to BAber's notice, as he mentions that " he had heard 

much of the fountain of Firozpur, and of the great tank of 

Kotila." On Sunday (14th April 1527) he records his visit 

thus — 

'' I mounted and rode out from the camp, for the double purpose 
of seeing the country, and of conducting Hum&yun to some distance 
on his way. That day I went to visit Pirozpur and its fountain, and 
took a Maajfin. In the valley from which the water of the fountain 
flows, the Kantr flowers were all in full bloom. It is very beautiful, 
though it will not support the high praises lavished upon it. Within 
this valley, where the stream widens, I directed a reservoir to be 
made of hewn stone, 10 feet by 10 feet. We halted that night in 
the valley, and next morning rode to visit the tank of Kotila." 

A small tank, about 20 feet square^ still remains in the bed 
of the Jhirka stream. 

On all sides of Firozpur there are tombs and masjids, the 
relies of former greatness ; but, as they neither possess in- 
scriptions nor are of any importance architecturally, it is not 
worth while to describe them. 

Under the hills to the west of the town there is a large 
Hindii building called Bhond-ka-Deora, or simply Deora, 
which is curious from the novelty of its plan.^ In front there 
is a large hall of 56 feet square. It is divided into five aisles 
each way by six rows of stout octagonal pillars, 2 feet 3^ 
inches thick. The middle aisles are 8 feet 8 inches wide, 
those on each side of the centre are 8 feet wide, while the 
outer aisles are only 4 feet 2 inches. The whole space is 
thus divided into twenty-five bays, of which the central one 
and four others in the corners of the next aisles are roofed 
by hemispherical domes, the largest being ribbed melon- 
fashion. The other bays are roofed with flat vaults. 

The temple is dedicated to MahAdeva. In front the 
three central aisles have arched doorways ; but the two nar- 
row side aisles are closed. The projecting caves rest on 
brackets, between which are panels ornamented with sculp- 
tured flowers and elephants. Over the middle of each door- 

> See Plate XXVIII for a plan of this temple. 


way there is a large flower, and on each side of it there is an 
elephant. On the bases of the two central elephants there 
are short N4gari inscriptions consisting of a single line : each 
is dated in Samvat 1578 = A.D. 1521, during the reign of 
Ibr&him Lodi. 

At first view the building looks very much like a masjid, 
but it may be more aptly compared with many of the HindA 
temples in Bengal, which are usually square, with either five 
or nine domes, called respectively pancha-ratna and nava- 
ratna. The heavy octagonal pillars are also after the Ben- 
gali style, as seen in the mosques of Gaur and Hazrat Pandua, 
The whole of this pillared hall is a be{jlt. The actual tem- 
ple is a three-roomed long building at the back, round which 
perambulation is made. 


Kotila, the capital of the Kh4nz4da chief Bahadur Kh4n 
Nfthir, where he received the envoys sent by Timur, is now 
only a small village of about a hundred houses. The name 
of Kotila properly belongs to the fort on the hill above. The 
site was probably chosen for security, as it is protected on 
the east by the large lake namad Dahar, which is from 4 to*s 
miles in length by upwards of 2 miles in breadth. 

The village occupies high ground at the mouth of a ravine, 
which probably contained a running stream a few centuries 
back. There are traces of walls with earthen mounds or 
ramparts covering the village, from which the occupants 
could escape up the ravine, and over the hill, on the appear- 
ance of a large force. In fact, the Mew^tis always did retire 
from Kotila as soon as the enemy appeared before it. 

The lake of Kotila was visited by BAber, who calls it 
*' the tank of Kotila." He describes it as follows : — 

*' One of its banks is formed by the side of a hill, and the river 
Manisni flows into it. It is a very large tank, but does not look well 
from either of its sides. In the midst of the tank is a rising ground ; 
around it are a number of small boats. The inhabitants of the towns 
on the banks of the tank, when any alarm or confusion occurs, em- 
bark in their boats^ and make their escape. When I arrived there, a 



number of people got into their boats, and rowed into the middle of 
the lake." * 

In A,H. 793, or A.D. 1390, when Muhammad Bin Firoz 
Tughlak advanced against Kotila, he encamped on the bank 
of the " Dahand " (read Dakar, or " the lake "), and Bahadur 
NAhir fled to Jhirka.* 

In A.H. 824, or A.D. 421, Khizr Khan Sayid marched 
into Mew4t, and besieged the fort of Kotila^ which after cap- 
ture he destroyed.' 

The fort still exists, but is unoccupied. The northern 
wall, with its gate at the north-east comer, is still standing. 
It rises about 600 or 700 feet above the village, and the only 
approach from the east is by a narrow foot-path, as the rocky 
hill is generally very precipitous, 

On a high mound in the middle of the old town there is a 
very fine stone masjid, with a tomb standing in front of it in 
the middle of a large enclosure. These buildings are the 
J4mi Masjid and the tomb of BahAdur Kh4n N4hir, the con* 
temporary of Timur, The J4mi Masjid was begun in the 
reign of Muhammad Sh4h, son of Firoz Tughlak, when he 
occupied Kotila during his campaign against the MewAtis in 
A.H. 795. The building was not finished until A.H. 803, 
Muhammad Sh&h having died in 796. The masjid itself is 66 
feet long outside by 35 feet broad. Inside it is 59^ feet by 
29t feet, the breadth being just half the length.* It consists 
of three aisles with seven arched openings to the front, making 
twenty -one spans, of which only the middle one is covered by 
a very small dome, all the rest having flat roofs. The outer 
comers at the back are strengthened by small sloping min4ars, 
like those of Firoz ShAh's time. There is a mihrAb in each 
span of the back wall. Three openings in each end wall are 
closed by stout lattices of red stone. The mosque itself is of 
quartzite blocks, all squared. 

The masjid stands at the western end of a grand court- 

* Baber's Memoirs, p. 370. 

* Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 25. 
« Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 53. 

^ See Plate XXX for a plan of this masjid. 


yard, 92 feet in length to the inner side of the entrance gate- 
way. The gateway itself is a square domed building of 
25^ feet side, covered by a dome 14^ feet in diameter, which is 
approached by a grand flight of twenty steps on its three outer 
sides. Over the doorway, and covered from the weather, 
there is a long inscription giving the date of the building. 
The flight of steps is 15 feet high. 

The courtyard is bounded on each side by a thick wall, 
pierced with eight openings, which were most probably filled 
with lattices originally. Not one now remains ; and nearly the 
whole of the south wall has fallen down. 

Inside the court, and within 6 feet of the masjid, there is 
an open bftridari or twelve-pillared tomb, 21 feet square, 
which was once covered by a dome, most of which has now 
fallen. This building is made entirely of red sandstone. 
There is no trace of any inscription, and the people know 
nothing about it. No name is attached to it. 

The following is the text and translation of the inscription 
over the entrance gateway of the Masjid^ : — 

e/il >i>^ *^!^ ^ *jr«^^ Jb^y e/i*^' V-;^ s^^ ^'^ ^ ^*^J C^ 

"This JAmi Masjid was founded in the time of Muhammad Shih, 
son of Firoz Shih, by His Highness (Majlis Aali) Bahadur KhAn 
after the desecration of the temple (Butkhdna) in the town of Sam- 
bhaliki. Every year the Hindfis used to come in crowds from a)l 

' See Plate XXXI for a facsimile of this inscription. 

I I 


parts to worship the idol. When the Khin heard this, he went there 
and pulled down the temple, and with its materials founded this 
mosque in the year 795 (A.H.) Soon after came the Mughal inva- 
sion, in which the Khin was involved. He then made over the work 
to the Khd.n3;4da Hd.tim Kh&n. The dome of the gateway was finish- 
ed by the exertions of Jamtl Malik Kaniar-din, and by the labours of 
Mukarrab-ud-din, headman of Sh&di. The mosque was finished by 
KhwAjah Aziz on the 12th of Rabi-ul-awal, 803 A.H. (Sunday, 31st 
October 1400, A.D.)" 

The above reads very much like a passage from the Me- 
moirs of Firoz ShAh, which were written only a few years 
previously *: — 

" The Hindus and idol-worshippers, says the king, had agreed to 
pay the money for toleration {zar-i-zimmiya) , and had consented to 
the poll tax {ytzya)^ in return for which they and their families enjoy- 
on security. These people now erected new idol temples in the city 
end the environs in opposition to the law of the Prophet, which declares 
that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under Divine guidance 
I destroyed these edifices, and I killed those leaders of infidelity who 
seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to 
stripes and chastisement, until this abuse was entirely abolished. 
The following is an instance : In the village of Maltik there is a tank 
which they call kund (tank). Here they had built idol temples, and 
on certain days the Hindfis were accustomed to proceed thither on 
horseback^ and wearing arms. Their women and children also 
went out in palankins and carts. There they assembled in thousands 
and performed idol worship. This abuse had been so overlooked 
that the bazar people took out all sorts of provisions, and set up 
stalls, and sold their goods. Some graceless MusalmAns, thinking 
only of their own gratification, took part in these meetings. When 
intelligence of this came to my ears, my religious feelings prompted 
me at once to put a stop to this scandal and offence to the religion of 
Isl4m. On the day of assembling I went there in person, and I order- 
ed that the leaders of these people and prompters of this abomination 
should be put to death. I forbade the infliction of any severe punish- 
ments on the Hindus in general, but I destroyed their idol temples, 
and instead thereof raised mosques. I founded two flourishing 
towns (kas6a)f one called Tughlakpur, and the other Salirpur. 
Where infidels and idolators worshipped idols, Musalmins now, by 
God's mercy, perform their devotions to the true God. Praises of 

^ F utuh at- i- Firoz Shahi, in Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. Ill, p. 380. 


God and the summons to prayer are now heard there, and that place, 
which was formerly the home of infidels, has become the habitation 
of the faithful, who there repeat their creed, and offer up their praises 
to God." 

From this extract, as well as from other passages in the 
autobiography of Firoz Tughlak, it appears that this much- 
belauded king was an intolerant bigot, who persecuted his 
Hindu subjects on account of their religion. 

The town of Samhhali, now known as ShahAbad, stands 
4 miles to the west of TejAra. It possesses several tombs 
of the KhAnzAda chiefs; but, as they were reported to be 
without inscriptions, I did not visit the place. 


The old fort of Indor, one of the strongholds of the KhAn- 
zAda chiefs of MewAt, is situated on the hill range which 
forms the boundary between the Alwar territory and the 
British district of Gurgaon. It is 6 miles to the north of 
Kotila, and about 70 miles to south of Delhi. The old ruined 
town lies to the east in the valley below, and has now shrunk 
to an *' insignificant village.'*^ The foundation of the fort is 
ascribed to the Nikumbha RAjAs, about whom nobody seems 
to know anything but the name. All, however, admit that they 
preceded the Jadonvansi ancestors of the KhAnzAdas. 

The fort of Indor stands on the western edge of the hill 
range, and is quite invisible from the east. This part of the 
range is called Kolla-pahAr, and is about 4 miles in diameter. 
On the east side there is no means of access, except by a 
very bad rocky foot-path. The fort is frequently mentioned 
in mediaeval Muhammadan history, as follows : — 

In A.H. 829, or A.D. 1425; Jallu and Kaddu (the grand* 
sons of Bahadur N4hir) — 

*' took up a position in the mountains of Andwar, They were 
attacked for several days by the royal forces, who drove them out of 
Andwar, and then they went to the mountains of Alwar. Next day 
His Majesty destroyed the fortified post of Andwar, and marched 
against Alwar. When Jallu and Kaddu posted themselves there the 

* Major Powlett in Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. Ill, p. 361. 


royal forces followed them. At length they were reduced to distress, 
and were compelled to surrender. His Majesty granted them quarter, 
and afterwards graciously gave Kaddu a reception," ^ 

In AH. 832, or A.D. 1428, MubArak Sayid marched into 
Mew&t to the palace of Htndwdri {read Indor), when Jal&l 
KhAn (Jallu) submitted, and paid tribute as usual.* 

In A.H. 836, or A.D, 1432, Jal4l Kh&n shut himself up in 
the fort of Andaru {read Indor), which he afterwards burnt 
and deserted.* 

In all these three instances Professor Dowson has failed 
to recognise the name of Indor, which was the favourite 
residence of the Kh4nz4da Jal&l Kh4n. His tomb also is at 
Indor, and his name is connected with all the traditions of 
the place. In my account of the family of the Kh4nz&das 
I have referred to the traditions still current about Jal&l 

The dargih, or tomb, of Jal4l Khan is an oblong building, 
95 feet by 34 feet outside, with three rooms inside, each 
22 feet 3 inches square. The long walls are 6^ feet thick, and 
the end walls are each 7 feet 10 inches. The roof consists 
of three massive hemispherical domes. In the middle room 
is the grave of Jal&l himself, with three others. In the eastern 
room there are eight large and one small grave, and in the 
western room are eight large and two small graves. All these, 
no doubt, belong to members of his family. There are about 
twenty other domed tombs in the neighbourhood, but they are 
small, and without inscriptions, ekcept the Kalimeh. To the 
north-west there is a tank called Chanda-til ; and to the west 
there is a kh&ngah, or shrine, of Chandan Sh^hid, or the 
'' Martyr." 

Major Powlett states that 

" the present Kh4nz4das of Indor are poor, but they hold the pro- 
prietorship, and maintain a MuUa to call the Azdtiy or summons to- 
prayers, and to educate their children. They do not yet plough with 
their own hands, ai»d they preserve the reccMrdsof better days. One 

' H. M. Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. IV, p. 6i. 
2 Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 67. 
« Ibid., WcA. IV, p. 75. 


document they produce dated Rabi-ul-Awal, Hijra 970, and bearing 
the Emperor Akbar's seal, directs the Chaudhari, Kanungo^ and 
Mukaddams of ' Sirk&r Alwar ' to assist certain KhinzcLdas of the 
Indor family who had been commissioned to put down insurrection in 
that SirkAr." * 


The small village of Palah lies at the very foot of the 
range of hills 6 miles to the north of Indoo 2^ miles to the 
north-west of Noh, and 12 miles to the south of Sohna. 
The village is noted for a very holy shrine of the saint 
KhwAjah Musa. The shrine is a square enclosure of white 
marble trellis-work, with a low white marble sarcophagus in 
the n^iddle. 

On the tombstone itself the only inscription is the 
Kalimeh in Arabic letters. On a slab near the foot of the 

trellis there is the following inscription j-*— 


Ba*janat residah — 734. 

The letters of these words give the same date according 
to the values of the Abjad. 

In raised letters inside the enclosure there is the follow- 
ing inscription, which is repeated outside the enclosure in 
sunken letters : — 

In Mahjar shartf bini namudah Shekh Abd-us-Samad bin Khwllja Ahmad, 
bin Muhammad Hishim, Nabirah Hazrat; batdrikh N(izdaham Shahar Shaw^!, 
Sanh 1 142 Muratib shud. 

Of KhwAjah Musa himself I failed to obtain any informa- 
tion. The date of his death falls within the reign of Muham- 
mad Tughlak. 


Sohna is famed for its hot springs, as well as for the 
masjid and tomb of the holy saint Hazrat ShAh Najm-ul-Hak. 
The descendant of the saint, a pleasant old man named 
Rahim Baksh, showed me a Fdrmdn of Akbar, granting the 
sum of Rioo annually on the anniversary of the saint's 
death, and i rupee daily for lamps. It is said that upwards 

« > Gazetteer of Rajputana, VoU HI, p. 262. 


of 1,431 bighas of land were originally settled on this shrine, 
of which only 60 bighas are now left. Rahim Baksh told me 
that nine generations have passed since the death of the 
saint Najm-ul-Hak. At the outside nine generations would 
not represent more than 300 years, or, say, A.H. 1000. Now, 
the Farman of Akbar is dated in the month of IsfandiAr Ilahi, 
and Jalus 50, or A.H. 1012-13, or AD. 1603-04. There are 
some large Arabic inscriptions on the entrance gateway of 
the enclosure ; but they contain only verses from the KorAn. 
On one of the pillars of the tomb there is a short NAgari 
inscription dated in Samvat 1561, or A.D. 1504, which is 
equivalent to A.H. 910. Lastly, on the trellis screen at the 
south end of the mosque there is engraved the number 881, 
which, if intended for the Hijra date, would be equivalent to 
A.D. 148 1. I have a suspicion that both pillar and trellis 
may have belonged to some earlier building. But the whole 
style and plan of the mosque, with its tomb and gateway, is 
so like that of BahAdur KhAn at Kotila that I think the date 
must be at least a century earlier than the time of Akbar. 
Perhaps, therefore, the Hijra date of 881, or A.D. 1481, 
represents the period of its erection^ while the pillar inscrip- 
tion of Samvat 1561, or A.D. 1504, may have been added 

The mosque is 73 feet long by 32 feet broad outside. 
The courtyard in front is 108 feet long, and the domed gate- 
way projects 14 feet beyond the walls of the enclosure, making 
a total length of 154 feet. The gateway itself is a fine build- 
ing, 28 feet \ inches square, with a lofty flight of steps in front^ 
The tomb in front of the masjid is 18 feet square. Each of 
the side walls of the enclosure is pierced with ten arched open- 
ings. The mosque consists of three long aisles, with seven 
arched doorways in front, the whole supported on stone pillars, 
the outer row of pillars being a double one. There are only 
three hemispherical domes over the alternate bays of the 
middle aisle. They are all melon-shaped outside. 

On a second high mound just outside the town on the 
north there is another masjid, 69 feet long, which is said to be 
older than that of Najm-ul-Hak. It is fitted up as a d4k 


bungalow. Close to it, on the south side, there is a small 
twelve-pillared tomb, 21 feet 4 inches square. Twenty feet 
further to the south there is a large tomb, 40 feet square. It is 
divided into three aisles each way, making nine bays, of which 
the middle and four corner ones are covered with hemisphe- 
rical domes. Nothing whatever is known about the owner of 
the tomb. 

To the east of this tomb there is a large masjid, 95 feet 9 
inches long by 27 feet 2 inches broad, which bears the 
name of Kutb Kh&n-ki-Masjid. Kutb Kh4n is said to have 
belonged to the Kh4nz4da family. The mosque is very sub- 
stantially built of grey stone from the neighbouring hills with 
slightly projecting ornaments, of various patterns, in different 
coloured stones. The whole style, as well as the plan of the 
building, reminded me strongly of the fine Kila-kohna mosque 
of Sher ShSlh at Delhi. I think, therefore, that it may be 
ascribed to the middle of the loth century of the Hijra, or 
about A.D. 1550. 


Bhonsi is a large village at the foot of the hill range just 
half way between Sohna and Gurgaon. It possesses an old 
stone masjid, with a tomb in the middle of the enclosure and 
a fine entrance gateway, the whole standing on a high plat- 
form. The builder's name is unknown, but he is said to have 
belonged to the KhAnzAda family of Mew4t. 

The masjid is a substantial stone building, 74 feet 8 inches 
long by 27 feet 4 inches broad. It consists of ^hree domed 
apartments, the middle one being 18 feet 8 inches square, and 
the side ones 17 feet 9 inches by 17 feet 3 inches. The 
walls are 6 feet thick, and there is a staircase in the thickness 
of each of the end walls, giving access to the roof. 

The tomb in front of the masjid is of the usual square 
BAradariplan, 22 feet square, with the corners cut off, to form 
an octagon for the support of a hemispherical dome. 

The gateway is 27 feet 10 inches square. It stands com- 
pletely inside the courtyard, its outer walls being flush with 
the east wall of the open enclosure. At each of the two 


eastern comers of the courtyard there is a projecting turreted 
room, 12 feet square, the object of which I could not discover. 
The ornament and inscriptions from the KoriLn are all raised 
in stucco, like those which prevailed from the time of Firoz 
Tughlak to the end of the Lodi rule. In one place the date 
of Samvat 1691, or A.D. 1634, was found written in ink. 
This date corresponds with the reign of Sh4h JahAn, but I 
think that the masjid must be at least one century earlier. 


At one mile to the north-east of the civil station of Gur- 
gaon, and on the side of the unmetalled road leading to 
BahAdurgarh, there is a standing pillar, 3 feet high, i scinches 
broad, and 5 inches thick. On the top there is a flowering 
ornament, below which is a panel containing two figures, 
one being a king seated on a morah, with his left leg raised, 
and his right foot resting on the ground. He holds up a 
flower in his right hand, and is apparently being addressed 
by an attendant, who is standing to the left, with his left hand 
holding a flower. 

Below the panel there is an inscription of three lines in 
early mediaeval characters, which reads as follows^ : — 

Samvachare sate 729 
Vais&kha badi 4 Durgga 
Niga lok&tari bh&ta. 

The date might perhaps be read as 928, but the characters 
seem too early for the period, and there is an upright stroke 
attached to nie top of the unit figure which seems to make it 
a 9. The Samvat year 729 is equal to A.D. 672, and 928 is 
equivalent to A.D. 871. The person who set up the pillar 
was named Durgga NAga, but nothing whatever is known 
about him, or the purpose for which the pillar was set up. 
understand it to record the death of one Durgga NAga, on the 
4th day of the waning moon of VaisAkha, in the Samvat year 
729, or A.D. 672, or perhaps in S. 928 = A.D. 871. 

1 See Plate X for a facsimile of this inscription. 



I closed my tour by a visit to the ruins of Delhi in the 
hope that I might find something that had escaped my notice 
on previous visits. And I was not disappointed, as will be seen 
in the following pages. 

Every visitor to the great Kutb Masjid, and the Kutb 
Min4r and the Iron Pillar, has heard the story of Anang P41, 
the first of the Tomar R&]4s of Delhi, and the driving of a 
spike into the head of the snake king Vasuki. I have 
given several different versions of the story in my account of 
the ruins of Delhi* : — 

" According to universal tradition, the Iron Pillar was erected by 
Bilan Deo, or Anang Pal, the founder of the Tomara dynasty, who 
was assured by a learned Brfthman that, as the foot of the pillar had 
been driven so deep into the ground that it rested on the head of 
Vasuki, king of the serpents (who supports the earth), it was now 
immoveable, and that dominion would remain in his family as long 
as the pillar stood. But the RajcL, doubting the truth of the Br4hman's 
statement, ordered the pillar to be dug up, when the foot of it was 
found wet with the blood of the serpent king, whose head it had 
pierced. Regretting his unbelief the Iron Pillar was again raised ; but 
owing to the king's former incredulity, every plan now failed in 
fixing it firmly, and, in spite of all his efforts, it still remained loose 
{dhila) in the ground, and this is said to have been the origin of the 
name of the ancient city of Dhili. 

" This tradition has been variously reported by different author- 
ities, but the main points are the same in all. Colonel Tod states 
that the Iron Pillar is said to be resting on the head of Sahes N4g, 
who is the same as Vasuki, the serpent king. A# lady traveller, 
who visited Delhi between 1804 and 1814, heard the tradition in a 
somewhat different way. A Brihman told the king that if he could place 
the seat of his government on the head of the snake that supports the 
world, his kingdom would last for ever. The Iron Pillar was ac- 
cordingly driven into the ground on its present site, under the super- 
intendence of the Brihman who announced that the lucky spot had 
been found. On hearing this, a courtier, jealous of the Brihman's 
influence, declared that the pillar was not placed over the serpent's 
head, but that he could point out the true place, which he had seen 

' Archxological Survey, Vol. I, p. 170. 



in a dream. The pillar was accordingly taken up by the RAjA's order, 
and agreeably to the Briihman's prediction, the foot of it was found 
wet with the blood of the serpent's head." 

This tradition is also imperfectly related in Purchases 
Pilgrims, on the authority of English travellers who visited 
India during the reigns of JahAngir and Sh4hjahAn. Purchas 
states that the Rose (R4J4) who founded Delhi, by advice 
of his magicians, tried the ground by driving an iron 
stake, which came up bloody, having wounded a snake. 
This the Pande (PAnde, or Pandit), or magician, said was 
a fortunate sign. In all these different versions of the 
erection of the Iron Pillar, the main points of the story are 
the same, and the popular belief in this tradition is confirmed 
by the well-known verse — 

" Kill* to dhtli bhai. 

Tomar hhaya mat hin," 
"The pillar became loose ; 

The Tomar's wish will not be fulfilled." 

The tradition is related in a more poetical form by Kharg 
Rai, who wrote in the reign of Sh&hjahAn. Acording to 
him, th^ Tomar prince was provided by the sage VyAs with 
a golden nail, or spike, 25 fingers in length, which he was 
told to drive into the ground. At a lucky moment, on the 
13th day of the waning moon of Vaisikha, in the Samvat 
year 792, or A.D. 735, when the moon was in the mansion 
of Abhijet, the spike was driven into the ground by the 
R4j4. Then said VyAs to the king — 

**Tum se raj kadi jaega nahin, 

Yih khunti Vasug ke mithe gadhi hai." 
" Ne'er will thy kingdom be besped. 

The spike hath pierced Vasuki's head." 

VyAs had no sooner departed than the incredulous R&jA 
boldly declared his disbelief in the sage*s announcement, 
when immediately — 

" Bilan De khunti ukh4rh dekih. 

Tab lohu se chuchati nikali." 
"He saw the spike thrown on the ground. 

Blood dropping from the serpent's wound. 



The sage was recalled by the horrified king, who was 
directed to drive the stake into the ground a second time. 
Again he struck, but the spike penetrated only nineteen 
fingers, and remained loose in the ground. Once more 
then the sage addressed the R4j4 prophetically, — 

" Like the spike [killi) which you have driven, your dynasty will 
be unstable [dhilli)^ and after nineteen generations it will be sup- 
planted by the Chauhins, and they by the Turkftns." 

Bilan De then became king of Delhi, and with his descend- 
ants held the throne for nineteen generations, according to 
the number of fingers' lengths which the spike had been 
driven into the ground.* 

The following is Chand*s own account of this event as 
related in the book named Killi-dhilli^katha^ or " Story of the 
Loose Pillar," in his Prithi R4j RAsa. He, however, refers 
the event to the time of Anang P4l, who wished to ascertain 
the fortunate hour for holding a great festival in honour of the 
birth of his grandson Prithi RAj. He enquired from Vy4s 
or Jagjoti BrAhman, who after a short consideration replied — 

*' Now is the lucky time ; — your dynasty will become immoveable, 
and its root will strike into the head of Seslin&g. But the RftjA 
was incredulous, when Vy4s, taking an iron spike, drove it down 
60 fingers deep until it reached the serpent's head, and drawing it 
out he showed it to the Rij4 covered with blood. 

Then addressing Anang P4l, he said — 

** Your kingdom like the spike will become unstable." 

Thus saith the seer Vy4s, 
Things that must come to pass ; 
Now the Tomars, next Chauhins, 
And shortly after the Turkins. 

The RA]5l in a rage expelled Vy4s, who retired to Ajmer, 
where he was hospitably received by the ChauhAns on account 
of his prophecy in favour of their race.^ 

* Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. I, pp. 171-73. 
» lbid,y Vol. I, pp. I74-75* 


This version was heard by Colonel Francklin in 1793. 
Speaking of the Iron Pillar he notes— 

" Tradition says it was raised by the gfrandfather of Pithora (the last 
Anang Pftl. The sceptre would not depart while the column stood : 
Kutb-ud-din in contempt allowed it to remain." 

I have quoted these different accounts for the purpose of 
showing that the story is older than even the first Anang PAl, 
and that it did not apply to Delhi. The following is Hwen 
Thsang's account of a similar event which was said to have 
taken place at the foundation of the great N^landa monas- 
tery by king Sakraditya : — 

" A short time after the death of Buddha, Sakraditya, the first king 
of this kingdom^ reverenced the Tri Ratna. Having selected a lucky 
site he built a monastery. When the work was begun they wounded, 
in digging, the body of a dragon. 

" At this time there was a Nirgrantha heretic who was a good 
diviner. When he saw the place he made this prediction : * c'est un 
terrain d*un ordre sup^rieur,' &c., — If you build a monastery there it 
will be always flourishing. During a thousand years its fame will 
continue to increase. Students will readily learn ; but many will be 
affected with vomiting of blood, on account of the dragon's wound/'' 

Now, according to Hwen Thsang's belief, the monastery oi 
Nalanda was founded about the middle of the period which 
had intervened between the NirvAna of Buddha and his own 
time, or somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era. 
The prophecy of one thousand years was, therefore, amply 
fulfilled, as the great NAlanda monastery continued to flourish 
down to the Muhammadan conquest under BakhtiAr Khalji, 
when all the monks were killed, and their buildings burned. 


The village of MahipAlpur is situated 4 miles to the 
north-west of the Kutb Masjid of old Delhi. Here are the 
tombs of Sultan Gh&ri and of Rukn-ud-din Firoz and MuAz- 
ud-din BahrAm. The Emperor Firoz ShAh, in his FatuhAt-i- 
Firoz-ShAhi, describes the two latter tombs as situated at 

^ Julian's Hwen Thsang, Vol. Ill, p. 42. 


Malikpur. But Malikpur is now entirely deserted, and the 
nearest village is Mahip4lpur. 

The tomb of Sultan Gh&ri is sunk in the middle of an 
elevated courtyard, 84 feet square, with an entrance gateway 
and cloister on the east side, and a small mosque with 
cloister on the west side. The tomb, as we learn from the 
inscription round the entrance gateway, is that of Abul Fateh 
MAhmud, and was built by his father Iltitmish in A.H. 629. 
MAhmud, who was his eldest son, died as Governor of Bengal 
in A,H» 626, and his body was carried to Delhi for burial. 

The platform of the courtyard is raised 14 feet above the 
ground outside, and the floor of the tomb is sunk 10 feet below 
the level of the court. Externally the tomb is an octagonal 
building of 1 5 feet side. The top of its flat roof rises only 
5 feet above the court, and there is a flight of seven steps 
on the east side, alternately pf red sandstone and white 
marble, leading to the top of the tomb. The walls are 
4 feet 10 inches thick, and the entrance on the south side is 
only 2 feet 9 inches wide and 4 feet high. Inside, there are 
four central pillars and one pillar in each corner of the octagon. 
These pillars, which are in two pieces, are 13 inches thick and 
12 feet high. The sarcophagus of Mahmud is against the 
western wall, while the centre is occupied by a much smaller 
tomb. I suspect, therefore, that this burial place may have 
been prepared by MAhmud himself before he went to Bengal, 
and that the small central tomb may be that of his wife, 
beside which there are two smaller graves, which must be 
those of his children. 

The word Ghdr means simply a ^* hole," or cave, and the 
term SultAn Gh4ri means the " king whose tomb is in a cave,^ 
And this is actually the case with the tomb as it stands at 
present. But I have a suspicion that the underground 
apartment was only the lower storey of the original tomb, and 
that the tomb proper was an open octagonal building with a 
pointed dome like those of Rukn-ud*din Firoz and Mu5iz-ud- 
din Bahr4m just outside the enclosure. Their tombs are 

' Persian Ghor : Hindi, G<?V; and Arabic Kdr^ — ^all mean cave or hole. The 
Arabic form is the word used in the inscription. 


respectively 15^ feet and 17I feet in exterior diameter. The 
octagon platform of Sultan Gh&ri's tomb is 36 feet ; but, as 
the walls are nearly 5 feet thick, the diameter of the octagon 
need not have been more than 26 feet inside, which is exactly 
the size of the central dome of the Kutb Masjid, and was, 
therefore, not beyond the range- of a Hindu overlapping 

The entrance gateway consists of two flights of steps, 
flanked by a square room on each side, outside the wall of the 
enclosure. The archway is formed by overlapping courses 
of stone. Round the doorway there is a long inscription in 
Arabic letters— inches high. On the right and on the top are 
the high-sounding titles, and the name, of Shams-ud-din 
lltitmish, followed on the left by the name and titles of his 
son MAhmud, ** Lord of the Eastern Provinces." The words 
are Malik Maluk ush Shark, Ahi-uUFateh^ Mdhmud} 

Inside the enclosure there is a cloister of six pillars against 
the eastern wall, with two arched openings in the enclosure 
wall on each side. Each of the two side walls of the enclo- 
sure is pierced with six openings with a narrow flight of steps 
in the middle formed in the thickness of the walls for the 
purpose of giving access to the roofs. At each of the four 
comers there is a round tower, with sloping walls, covered by 
a dome of overlapping courses of stones. 

On the west side of the enclosure there is a small masjid 
of white marble, 12 feet 8 inches square in front, and 13 feet 
10^ inches deep. It has four square fluted pillars in front, with 
one at each side, and two pilasters against the back wall. The 
superstructure is square with an octagonal plinth above, sup- 
porting a pyramidal pointed dome. The floor of this mosque 
is also of white marble, and in its north-west comer there is 
an argha of a Hindu lingam let into the pavement, which 
serves to point out the quarry from whence the marble pillars 
were obtained. The roof is flat inside. 

On each side of the masjid there is a five-pillared cloister, 
7 feet wide, extending to the side walls of the enclosure. 

See Plate XXXII. 
• A copy of the inscription is given in Sayid Ahmad*s Assr^s-SanAdid. 



Here, again, the HindA quarry from which these pillars were 
brought is shown by a white marble base being placed under 
a red sandstone shaft. 

Outside the enclosure, on the south-east, there are two 
small-domed tombs which are assigned by Sayad Ahmad to 
SultAn Rukn-ud-din Firoz and SultAn Miiaz-ud-din Bahr4m, 
the sons of Iltitmish. These assignments are, no doubt, cor- 
rect, as the position of their tombs is described by the Emperor 
Firoz Tughlak to be in Malikpur. He records that he rebuilt 
their domes, terraces, and enclosure walls. The domes are 
pointed and regularly built vaults, covered with a thick coat 
of plaster. This has preserved them both for upwards of 500 
years since Firoz ShAh's time, and there are no trees and no 
grass growing on them even now. 

There is a difficult passage in Firoz Shah's autobiography 
regarding the tomb of the Empreror Iltitmish, which, as 
it stands, is quite inexplicable, as not even a single paragraph 
of it can be applied to that building. He says^ — 

**The Madrasa (College) of SultAn Shams-ud-din Iltitmish had 
been destroyed. I rebuilt it and furnished it with sandal-wood doors. 
The columns of the tombs which had fallen down, I restored better 
than they had been before. When the tomb was built, its court {sahatC) 
had not been made curved [kaj)^ but I now made it so; I enlarged 
the hewn stone staircase of the dome, and I re-erected the fallen 
piers of the four towers." 

He then goes on to describe his repairs of the tombs at 
Malikpur of Rukn-ud-din Firoz and Miiaz-ud-din BahrAm. 

Now, the tomb of Iltitmish, which still exists quite close 
to the south-west corner of the.Kutb Masjid, never possessed 
any columns, nor any staircase leading to the dome, nor any 
towers at the four corners. It has struck me, therefore, that 
Firoz's account may probably refer to the tomb and other 
buildings of SultAn GhAri. Now, we know that these were the 
work of Iltitmish as recorded in the inscription over the 
gateway. I would, therefore, identify the cloisters of the 
enclosed square with the Madrasa. The tomb of SultAn 
GhAri still possesses columns underground ; but, if I am right 

' Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. Ill, p. 383. 

VOL. XX r 


in supposing that there was originally an upper room with a 
domed roof supported on eight pillars, then these eight pillars 
would be those which Firoz restored, and the ^* hewn stone 
staircase " leading to the dome would be the flight of seven 
steps which now leads to the roof of the lower apartment, but 
which would then have been the floor of the domed room 
above. That this flight of steps was added by Firoz, I feel 
quite sure, as the steps consist alternately of white marble and 
red sandstone, a combination which Firoz employed in the 
upper storeys which he added to the Kutb MinAr. The only 
part difficult to explain is the statement about the court of 
the tomb, which he made curved. Now, the word ^^/sf** sahan^ a 
" court," means also " area," and '' square," and the word kaj 
or ** curved " means also " bent and angular/' I think it 
possible, therefore, that the area of the original tomb may have 
been square, and that when Firoz re-erected the fallen pillars 
he changed the shape to an angular octagon. This would 
have saved the four corner pillars of the square, which could 
then have been brought into use elsewhere. 


Near Begampur there are numerous old buildings, of which 
nothing is known. But amongst them I found a platform 
covered with small tombs. On the w^estem side the wall was 
raised to form an idgAh in the middle, with a small room at 
each end. Its inscription of three lines is curious — 

J^3 '^^'^ sJ^' *^*^^ J^^ •^^-^ v:/^*^' JV ^^^ir^ ^^J )^ 

** During the reign of His Majesty Jal41-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, 
the king, were built this masjid and tomb of Chandan, or Sandal, the 
eunuch, son of Ala-ud-din, son of Ilahia, the sweetmeat-maker, ia the 
year 994, nine hundred and ninety-four (A.D. 1585-86), at a cost 
of three hundred rupees.'^ 



The pretty tomb of Kabir-ud-din Auliya, generally known 
as the L41 Gumbaz, or " red dome/' has hitherto escaped 
notice. I saw it first in 1871, when it struck me as being a 
fine, but plain, specimen of the older style of tombs, with slop- 
ing walls and pointed dome. Nothing was known about it, 
except that it was the tomb of Kabir-ud-din Auliya. I wrote 
to my friend Blochmann about it, but he was unable to give 
me any clue to the history of this saint. Of course, he was 
a member of the great family of Auliya, of whom the most 
famous was Niz4m-ud-din, the contemporary of Muham- 
mad Tughlak, and an accessory to the murder of the king's 

The tomb is situated near the village of Begampur, and 
about 3 miles to the north of the Kutb Masjid. Near it, on 
the north, there is a curious little domed building, something 
like the corner tower of a garden. It is called Kharbiije-ki- 
gumbazi, or the '' melon-shaped cupola," from the melon-like 
indentations of its dome. This little building was the dwell- 
ing-place of the saint whilst alive, and a most uncomfortable 
dwelling-place it must have been. It consists of a lower 
storey, hexagonal outside and circular inside, the room being 
only 3 feet in diameter, and the entrance only 15 J inches 
wide. On the flat roof above stands the cupola on four pillars 
each 7 inches square, and 2 feet 10 inches apart, forming a 
room of 4 feet square, open on all sides. The actual height 
of the cell below could not be ascertained, as it is half silted 
up. In the upper room the saint used to spend the day, and 
to sleep in the circular hole below at night. In bad weather 
also he retired to this hole. Here he lived and here he died ; 
and the only other fact known about him is that his tomb, 
called the Lk\ Gumbaz, or *' Red Dome," was built by a 
Banjdra. There is a well immediately in front of the melon 
cupola, and only 9 feet distant from its doorway. In this well 
there is an inscription of thirteen lines, which is so much 



weather-worn that I was unable to read more than the words — 

Dar Amal Muhammad Shah Bin Firoz Shah. 

'* In the time of Mahammad Shah, the son of Firoz Shah/* 
As the. well certainly belongs to the saint's strange dwell- 
ing I conclude that he must have died shortly after the in- 
vasion of Timur, or between A.H. 800 and 820. Muham- 
mad Shah reigned from A.H. 790 to 795. 

The tomb itself is a square building of 45 feet side, 
containing a room inside 29 feet square. The slope of the 
walls is 14^ inches in 30 feet.' The terrace on which the 
building stands is 5 feet high. It is made of squared blocks 
of granite^ but the whole of the superstructure is faced with 
the red sandstone from which the tomb derives its name of 
LAl Gumbaz. The walls are battlemented. The dome, which 
springs from a battlemented octagon, is highly pointed, with 
the remains of a very small pinnacle on the top, like all 
buildings of the Tughlak period. The entrance door is lofty, 
with a high pointed arch and broad white marble borders. 
Each stone of the arch is formed into a richly ornamented 
cusp. The actual doorway is small, more than one-half of 
the archway being closed by a bold trellis, placed over a flat 
architrave, supported on three corbels on each side. 

Outside the back wall of the building there are triangular- 
shaped iron rings, fixed about 2 feet apart from the terrace 
to the battlement. These rings are sufficiently large to aflford 
a good grasp for a man's hand and a good hold for a naked 
foot, and they were, no doubt, built into the wall originally 
to enable a workman to climb up to the roof, as there is no 
staircase in the wall of the tomb. The people, however, are 
not satisfied with this simple explanation. Their story is that 
two thieves fastened these rings in the wall in a single night, 
for the purpose of carrying off the golden pinnacle on the top 
of the dome. There were four thieves in the party, but two 
of them remained below. Of the two who ascended, one died 
on the roof, arid the other became blind, through the 
displeasure of the saint. The two men below carried off the 
gold, with which they are said to have built themselves 

* See Plate XXX 11 1 for an elevation of this tomb. 


tombs ; but both of the tombs fell down, and nothing now 
remains of them. The rings are shown in the sketch of the 
tomb given in plate XXXIII. 


The Chor-Mindr, or *' Thieves^ Pillar," is a round tower, 
pierced with numerous round holes for the reception of 
human heads. I first saw this tower in 1871, when I guessed 
that it might be one of the pillars which the early Muham- 
madan kings were in the habit of building up with the deca- 
pitated heads of their prisoners. During my recent visit to 
the ruins of Delhi I determined to examine this tower more 
carefully, and, if possible, to ascertain its object. For this 
purpose I pitched my camp near the village of Begampur 
and close to the Chor-MinAr, which is about 3 miles to the 
north of the Kutb Masjid, and on the very edge of the old 
high road which passed along the western side of Jah4n- 
panah. One of the old Kos MinArs stands close by it. 

The Min&r is a round tower, 26 feet in height, with a 
lower diameter of 21 feet and upper diameter of ii\ feet. 
It stands on a raised terrace just 10 feet in height and 36 
feet square. The top of the tower is, therefore, 36 feet above 
the ground. It was probably several feet higher when first 
built, as the top is now much broken. Inside, there is a 
winding staircase, 2\ feet wide- Outside the lower part, up 
to 8 feet above the level of terrace, the tower is quite plain. 
At 8 feet there is a belt of moulding all round, above which 
at regular intervals there are nine rows of round holes, about 9 
or 10 inches in diameter. In each row there are twenty-five 
holes, so that there still remain 225 holes for the reception of 
as many human heads. Three more rows of holes would have 
raised the number to 300, and the height of the tower to 41 
feet above the terrace. 

At the time of my visit in 1871 I could not gain any in- 
formation whatever about this tower, and again during the 
whole morning of my late visit every man professed entire 
ignorance about it. In the meantime I had satisfied myself. 


by the measurements just recorded, that the tower was 
intended for the reception of human heads, which was further 
confirmed by the discovery of something like human hair 
still sticking to the mortar in one of the holes. But during 
the course of the afternoon a party of three women, who 
happened to be passing by, gave the name of Chor^Mindrah^ 
with the explanation that, in former days, when thieves were 
executed, their heads were cut off and stuck into these holes, 
where they could be seen by all the people. The women also 
pointed to the Kos-Min&r close to the roadside, and said that 
all the travellers along the road could see the heads. 

I have read the numerous executions of dakaits and 
robbers whose heads were thus exposed, but, as well as I can 
remember, the numbers never exceeded 30 or 40 in a single 
gang. On the other hand, the recorded numbers of heads of 
prisoners taken in war usually ran up to many thousands. 
But I believe that it was only the heads of the chiefs and 
principal men that were thus treated, when those of the 
common soldiers were simply piled up in pyramids. Thus 
Zia-ud-Barni, speaking of the Mughals slain by Ala-ud-din 
Khalji^ says that *' their heads were piled up into pyramids, or 
built into towers." In another place he mentions a particular 
tower of heads built in front of the Badaun gate, ** which," he 
adds, " remains to this day a memento of Ala-ud-din."^ Ac- 
cording to Wass^lf this pillar was built of 60,000 heads.^ 

Similar towers were erected by Firoz Tughlak in Bengal, 
amounting to the incredible number of 180,000 heads.^ 
Several were built by Timur of the heads of Kafirs in Afghan- 
istan and of Hindils heads near the Kutb Masjid at Delhi. 
Bahlol, after the defeat of the Rana's troops near Ajmer, built 
a pillar of heads. B^ber also built a tower of skulls on the 
small hill to the north-west of Chanderi ,- and even the 
tolerant Akbar erected a pyramid of more than 2,000 heads 
near Ahmedabad in GujrAt.* 

^ Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. III>'p. 397. 
2 Ibid,, Vol III, p. 48. 
' Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 297. 
* Ibid., Vol. V, p. 368. 




This is the latest record that I have been able to find of 
this barbarous custom. 


The tomb of the Emperor Firoz Tughlak is situated close 
to the Hauz-Kh&s, or great reservoir constructed by Firoz 
himself. Timur, in his autobiography, does not mention the 
tomb; but simply says there are *' buildings placed around 
the reservoir/' ^ The Hauz-Kh&s still exists with several 
buildings on its eastern side. Amongst these is the tomb of 
Firoz Sh&h, with a masjid and a madrasa close by. 

Sayid Ahmed states that the tomb of Firoz was built by 
his son Nasir-ud-din Muhammad in A.H. 792, or A.D. 1389, 
and that he himself is buried inside, as well as his son Sikandar 
Sh&h, There are certainly three large graves inside, the middle 
one being that of Firoz, while the two others would be those 
of his son and grandson. The tomb itself is a massive stone 
building, 46^ feet square outside, and 28 feet inside.^ It has 
the usual four openings, one in each side, that to the 
south being the entrance, whilst the others are closed. The 
walls are of grey stone, plastered both inside and out. There 
are two lines of battlements, both of red stone, the lower line 
crowning the main walls, and the upper line crowning the octa- 
gonal plinth, from which springs tlje plain hemispherical dome. 
The pinnacle is small and insignificant, like all others of the 
same period. 

The sarcophagus of Firoz is of white marble, standing on 
a pavement of white marble in small squares. The pcndent- 
ive arches have a very slight horse-shoe shape. The entrance 
doorway is a tall pointed arch, filled with a thick trellis of red 
stone. Over the arch there is an inscription of two lines in 
stucco, the beginning of which is broken off. But the remain- 
der is generally in fair order, as may be seen in Sayid Ahmed's 
facsimile.* The inscription consists of two lines in the top of 

^ Elliot's Muhammadan Historians, Vol. Ill, p. 441. 

a See Plate XXXIV. 

' Asar-us-Sunadfd, 2nd eduion, p. 32 of Plates. 


the arch, immediately over the trellised opening. The upper 
line opens with the usual formula of Bismtllahy 8tc., but the 
left half records the repair of the tomb by Sikandar Lodi. 
The lower line contains the name and titles of Firoz Shah, 
and is probably a copy of the original inscription. The upper 
line reads as follows. In Sayid Ahmed's copy the title of 
Sh4h is omitted after Bahlol, and the portion of it imme- 
diately following t&e Kalimah he has left unread. 

^ JbUjt«uJ J ^^J^£ viJLi 4ju» ^t^t^ wJj^^ 

The lower line is partly read by Sayid Ahmed as fol- 
lows : — 

Mr. Carr-Stephen has apparently read the sentence 
immediately following the Kalimah in the same way as given 
abovQ, as he translates that part of the inscription as fol- 
lows ^ : — 

*' Ordered and was built in ten months." 

As I understand the words, the repair of the tomb was 
distinctly ordered by Sikandar Lodi, and was completed in 
ten months, in the year 913 A.H. Then follow the name and 
titles of the sovereign — 

*' During the time of the King of Kings, the Sultftn Sikandar, son 
of King of Kings, the Sultan Bahl61 Sh&h. May God preserve his 
kingdom and his reign." 

> The Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi, by Carr-Stephen, p. 158. 


In the lower line we hav( 
'* The King of Kings, Firoz Sh&h. May his ashes be sanctified, 
and may he obtain a place in Paradise." 

LI.— shAhpur. 

Near the village of ShAhpur I found a small mas j id con- 
sisting of a low room, only 9^ feet square, with a long inscrip- 
tion of five lines in perfect preservation, dated in 753 A.H., 
the second year of the reign of Firoz Tughlak. As it escaped 
the notice of Sayid Ahmed, I give it in fulP :— 

^aJI ^^^!/i^I ^> ^>- ;^^ jl^»V^/i ^-^^--^J j'^*^' **^ ^ 

For the following translation I am indebted to Maulvi 
Ataor Rahman : — 

" The Prophet (may the peace of God be with him !) hath said, 
' A man who renews the mosques gives evidence of his faith, for God 
himself hath said, " No one builds a mosque for the sake of God but 
one who has faith in God, and in the last day (day of judgment)." ' 
This mosque was built in the reign of the great King, the mighty 
Ruler, Abu-ul-Muzaflar Firoz Sh4h, the Sultin. May God preserve 
his kingdom and his reign. 

" The builder of this useful work is the humble being, expectant 
of the grace of God, Bah&dur Mowla, the slave of the Commander of 
the faithful, known by the name of Niyiz Khiin. May God accept 

him ! " , 

^'On the 1st day of RamzAn 753 A.H. (A.D, 1352)." 


The village of MubArakpur, better known as Kotila, is 
remarkable for the number of its large tombs. The finest 

* See Plate XXXI for a facsimile of this inscription. 


tomb is that of Mub&rak ShAh himself. It is an octagonal 
domed building, of 71 feet diameter, standing in the middle of 
an octagonal enclosure, of 250 feet side and 600 feet diameter. 
The tomb consists of an octagonal room, 31 feet 7 J inches in 
diameter, with walls 8 feet 6^ inches thick, surrounded by a 
veranda, 7f feet broad, with outer walls of 3 feet 7 inches. 
There is a door in each face of the inner walls, and three 
arched openings, supported on double pillars, on each of the 
outer faces. At each angle of the octagon outside there is 
a sloping buttress, which terminates with the battlements of 
the lower storey, 28 feet in height, including the plinth. 

The upper storey consists of the flat-terraced roof of the 
veranda, with its battlements outside, and the octagonal plinth 
of the dome on its inner side. In the centre of each face 
there is an eight- pillared cupola. The dome is a pointed 
hemisphere, crowned by a six-pillared cupola, standing on a 
foliated base. The whole building is about 70 feet high. 
There are small medallions of coloured glazed tiles in the 
spandrils of the arches, and a band of blue gazed tiles on the 
entrance gateway of the courtyard, but all the other orna- 
ments are in stucco. 

To the west of the Kotila there is a large square tomb of 
71 feet 8 inches side. It has a projection in the middle of 
each side with a high archway reaching up to the battlements. 
There is a peculiar feature in all the square tombs of this 
period, which have a mixture of Hindft-Muhammadan styles in 
all their doorways. The tall arch is a true Muhammadan 
arch, but the actual doorway is a small corbelled opening of 
the common HindCl form. I have already described two 
examples of this kind in the tombs of Firoz Tughlak and 
Kabir-ud-din Auliya. 

The name of the owner of the tomb is not known, and the 
people are content to call him the Bara Kh&n, or '* Great 
Kh^n," while another square tomb close by is assigned to the 
Chota Khdn, or ** Little KhAn.'' The dome of the Great 
KhAn's tomb is a simple hemisphere springing from a plinth 
of sixteen sides, with small turrets at the angles. The span is 
46 feet 6 inches. The only ornamentation on the face of the 


building consists of three tiers of panels. The tomb is 
about 70 feet high. 

The tomb of the Chota Kh^n is much smaller, the side of 
the square being only 42 feet, with a dome of 26^ feet span. 
It was highly decorated with flowered ornaments and inscrip- 
tions in stucco. It has the same tall archway in the middle 
of each face with a band of blue glazed tiles above and the 
same Hindu corbelled doorway below as in the tomb of the 
Bara Kh4n. The outer faces also are ornamented in the same 
manner with two tiers of panels. There is also a band of 
blue tiles round the neck of the pinnacle where it springs from 
the dome. The open doorway is to the south. The other 
three doorways are closed with massive trellises of red stone. 

At a short distance to the east of these two tombs there 
is a small nameless tomb, only 27 feet square. It is generally 
of the same style, excepting the battlements, which are of a 
more elaborate and flowering pattern. The people attribute it 
to some unknown Path&n noble. 


The large village of Khairpur stands opposite the tomb 
of Safdar Jang, at a short distance to the east, on the road 
leading towards Hum^yun^s tomb. It is remarkable for a- 
number of fine buildings, of which one has hitherto escaped 
general observation. I discovered it in 1865, when it was used 
as a cow-house, and was completely begrimed with smoke 
and dirt and cow-dung both inside and outside ; and yet this 
building was the J Ami Masjid of Khairpur, built in the reign 
of Sikandar Lodi. Its whole surface is profusely decorated 
with ornaments and inscriptions in stucco on a blue ground, 
both inside and out. I have given a plan of the mosque in 
the accompanying Plate. It is a single rqom, 82 feet long 
and only 17I feet broad, divided into five bays." The three 
central bays are roofed with hemispherical domes, and the 
two end bays with low flattish vaults. 

1 See Plate XXXVI. 


In the south-west comer of the masjid inside there is the 
following inscription of nine lines on an alternately red and 
blue ground. The letters are raised in stucco.^ 

j^ ^ »u J.UC. >tJiyi ^.^yi ^\S}i> j^yi ^^ J 

*' In the name of God, the most beneficent and merciful. 

" God the gracious and most high saith, ' Indeed mosques are for 
God, so do not invoke any one with God.' 

"This noble edifice was built in the reign of the Emperor of 
Emperors, the King of the inhabited fourth part of the globe, the 
favoured one of the Almighty, the dependent on the help of the Most 
Gracious, Abul-MuzaflFar Sikandar Sh4h, son of Bahlol Sh4h, the 
SultAn. May God preserve his kingdom and reign for ever, and 
exalt his dignity and position ! The J4mi Mosque has been newly 
built by the sons of the deceased Mughal Abu Amjad and Muham- 
mad Habban, on the ist of Rabi-ul-Aw&l 900 A.H. (30th November 
1494 A.D.)" 

This mosque stands on the west side of an enclosure, 
104 feet long by 82 feet broad, raised 10 feet above the ground. 
To the south is a grand entrance gateway, very much like the 
Alai Gateway of the Kutb Masjid. To the east there is a 
line of rooms for readers of the Kor&n. and in the middle of 
the court there is a raised platform, 25 J feet square^ on 
which stands the tomb of the founder. This was originally 
faced with red stone, but all the red stones, save those let 
into the ground, have been carried off. 

* See Plate XXXVII for a facsimile of this inscription. 


In the south-west corner of the court there is a small 
doorway opening on two flights of steps built in the thickness 
of the wall. One of these runs to the south to the roof of 
the masjid, and the other to the north, to the- roof of the 
gateway. This gateway of the KhAirpur JAmi Masjid is one 
of the finest buildings amongst the ruins of Delhi.^ In its 
general plan, both inside and out, in the arrangement of its 
openings, in its concentric arched pendentives, as well as in 
its dimensions, it is undoubtedly a copy of the famous 
Alai-Darw&za of the Kutb Masjid. It possesses, also, the 
same bench or seat, 2f feet high and i^ feet broad, all round 
the inside, and has precisely the same small brackets at the 
angles of the octagon. It is somewhat larger than its proto- 
type, being 6^ feet square outside and 40 feet inside, while the 
•Alai-Darw&za is only 56^ feet outside and 34J feet inside.* Its 
height is also miich greater, as the walls are continued upward 
above the octagon in two tiers, one of sixteen sides and the upper 
thirty-two sides, to the spring of the dome ; whereas in the Alai- 
Darw&za the dome springs at once from the octagon. This 
extra height adds to the dignity of the building outside. The 
height of the battlement of the gateway above the court- 
yard is 34^ feet, and above the ground outside 44^ feet. 
The neck of the dome outside is 15! feet, and the dome itself 
is 28J feet. Adding these together, the total height of the 
building above the courtyard is 77! feet, or 88 feet above 
the fields. 

The difference between the two buildings at present lies in 
the ornamentation, which in the Alai-DarwAza is very rich, 
whereas the walls of the Khairpur Gateway are now quite 
plain, both inside and out. I bejjeve, however, that they were 
originally covered with stucco ornaments and inscriptions 
like the walls of the masjid, and that they probably gave a 
very close copy of all the decorations of the Alai-Darw4za. 

The date of the building is 900 A H. It is, therefore, 187 
years later than its prototype the Alai-Darw&za. 

* No. 286, p. 516. 

* See Plate XXXVIII for a plan of this gateway. 


Close by, on to the north of the Khairpur Masjid, and 
immediately opposite the centre of the court, there is a large 
tomb, 57 feet 8 inches square outside^ and 33 feet square 
inside. Its floor is raised 10 feet above the ground, and from 
its position I judge it to be the resting-place of some relative 
of the builder of the masjid. It is now quite plain inside, but, 
as the pendentive semi-domes still retain their plaster, I con- 
chide that the whole building was originally plastered over 
both inside and out. It has bands of red stone and blue 
glazed tiles outside, and the spandrils are made entirely of 
red stone. The glazed tiles are of two colours — a light blue 
and a dark blue. 

At a short distance to the south-west of the masjid there 
is an octagonal tomb, which the people of the village attri- 
bute to Mub&rak KhAn PathAn. It is nearly in all respects' 
similar to the tomb of Mubftrak ShAh in MubArakpur Kotila. 
Its inside diameter is 31 feet 10^ inches, and its outside 
diameter 72 feet 2^ inches. It has some sloping buttresses 
at the angles, and the same open cupolas, one on each side of 
the upper storey. There is an excellent vignette of this 
tomb in Fergusson's Indian Architecture.^ He describes it 
in the following terms : — 

'* It consists of an octagonal apartment, about 50 {read 30) feet 
in diameter, surrounded by a verandah following the same form, each 
face being ornamented by three arches of the stilted pointed form 
generally adopted by the PathAns, and it is supported by double 
square columns, which are almost as universal with them as this form 
of arch/' 

To the north-east of the masjid there is another octagonal 
tomb of almost the same dimensions as the last, its inside 
diameter being 31 feet 5 inches and its outer diameter 73 feet 
8 inches. It stands in the middle of a large enclosure, 122 
feet square, with battlemented walls, ornamented with niches 
all round. It has the same sloping buttresses, the same 
coupled pillars, and originally had the same eight open cupolas 
in the middle of each face of the upper storey. The plinths 
of all of these eight cupolas still remain, together with capi- 

* Archaeological Survey, Vol. II, p. 205. 

EASTERN RAJPUT ANA IN 1882-83. 1 59 

tals and pieces of pillar shafts. There are several traces of 
ornamentation with light blue tiles. 

This tomb is so exactly like that of Mubarak ShAh at 
Kotila that I have no doubt Sayid Ahmed is quite right in 
assigning it to Muhammad Sh^h bin Farid, the nephew and 
successor of Mub&rak. A comparison of the following mea- 
surements of these two tombs and that of MubArak Kh4n 
just described will show how closely they agree. Below them 
I have placed the dimensions of the great octagonal tomb 
at TejAra. 





Ft. In, 

Ft. In. 

31 7i 

71 4i 

31 5 

73 8 

31 loi 

72 2 

48 6 


Kotila— MubArak Sh4h 

Khairpur — Muhammad bin Farid , 

Do. — Mub&rak Kh4n . 
TejiLra — Ala-ud-din Alam . 

The dome of Hum&yun's tomb is only 47 feet in diameter. 

About 150 yards to the east of the tomb of Muhammad 
bin Farid, there is a bridge of seven arches, which is said to 
have been built by NawAb Bahadur, who had been at Kabul in 
the time of Akbar. The middle arch, as usual, is the largest, 
the other arches decreasing in span from the middle. The 
piers are 7 feet 4 inches thick, and the whole length of the 
bridge is as follows : — 

Ft. In, 

12 4 

22 9 

20 8 

18 ^ 

Middle arch , • • • • 

Two next arches, at 11 ft, 4J in. 
Two next arches, at 10 ft. 4 in. 
Two outer arches, at 9 ft. i^ in. 

Waterway , . . . . 

Six piers, at 7 ft. 4 in. • 
Two abutments, at 7 ft. 4 in. . 

Total length 

It is called Khairpur.k4-Pul, and also Ath-pala^ or the *' Eight 
Palas,'* On the old road leading from Delhi to Agra there 
is a similar bridge of eleven arches, which is called Bdra-PalUy 
or the " Twelve P4las." In both cases it is clear that the 








name cannot refer to the arches. Now, Pala is applied to 
the leaf of a door, and a do-pala darwdza means "two leaves.'* 
In the case of these bridges I believe that the term applies 
to the pairs of small minarets which flank the piers and abut- 
ments. In the larger bridge there are twelve pairs of these 
miners, and in the smaller bridge there are eight pairs of them. 
Hence the bridges became known as the Bdra-pala, or 
"Twelve Pairs,'' and the Ath-pala, or "Eight Pairs." 


At the small village of Okhala, where the new Agra Canal 
leaves the Jumna, there formerly stood an old square tomb 
of stone which dated from the time of the Emperor Iltitmish. 
When the head-works of the canal were begun the tomb was 
pulled down, but the Arabic inscription over its doorway was 
removed to the Delhi Museum^ where it now lies. The tomb 
had already lost its roof, as may be seen in the lithographed 
sketch in Sayid Ahmed's description of the old buildings of 
Delhi.^ But the building was interesting as one of the few re- 
mains of the earliest Muhammadan buildings in India. Its 
arched entrance was formed by corbels, or overlapping stones, 
meeting in a point at top. Inside the mihr^b, or western 
niche, was a cusped arch, formed in the same way, with an 
inscription in letters, 8J inches in height, making a broad 
border on the top and sides. This inscription records the 
name and high-sounding titles of the Emperor Iltitmish as 
follows : — 

^u^ ctlu ^^1^ ^xX^b r*^"! c>tii ^^jj^^b uijJio-^ JoWi 

" The great Sult4n, the mighty Emperor, master of the necks of 
the people, king of the just kings of the world, Shams-ud-dunya-wa- 
ud-din, the supporter of Isl4m and of Moslems, the successor to the 
kingdom of Solomon, Abu-ul-Muzaffar Iltitmish, the Sult4n." 

* Asar-us-Sanddtd, ist edition, p. 53. 

EASTERN RAJPUTANA IN 1882-83. . 16 1 

In the Delhi Museum there is another inscription which 
is believed to have come from the same place. It is placed 
round a small square-headed niche, i foot 10 inches high hy 
10 inches broad inside, — the two lines of writing above and 
below, and one line on each side. The two top lines with the 
right-hand line contain the Kalimeh and sentences from the 

P* KorAn. The latter half of the left-hand line contains the 

date of A.H. 608, which is thus expressed, Ji Shahur Sank 
Samdn wa Sitamiah. The uppermost of the two lower lines 

1 is quite illegible, but the lower line contains the name of 

Kutb-ud-din Aibak. The date, however, is one year later 
than that assigned by the historians. 



Ajingarh of Mewat 
Alwar, Great Tomb at . 
Anyor, Buddhist inscription at 
Aunadf Governors of Bayiina 


1 20 





Bah^durpur, inscriptions at .119 

Bahiidur Nihar, Khanzidah of 

Mewat . 
Baylna^ or Baylmpuri 

ih^lar Baoli at 
fasjids at 

Begampur, Masjid and Tomb 
Bhonsi^ Masjid . 






Chaukua, inscription, covered well 
Chaumuha, Buddhist capital 
Chor Minar at old Delhi 
Clisobora of Pliny, or Kesopura . 

Daryi Khan Mewati, and Sasi- 
badani Mini . . . . 
Delhi, Notes on Iron Pillar . 
Dhandora Baoli .... 
Dholpur^ Tomb of Bibi Zarina 
DC^bkund, Jain Temple, inscribed . 

Firozpur Jhirka .... 
Firo2 Shan, Tomb at Delhi . 
— - Inscription at Shahpur 

Ghiri Sultan, Tomb at Delhi 
Ghosts, Procession of, on Battle- 
field of Khinwa 
Gindoria well at Bayina 
Gurgaon, Inscribed Pillar at 













Hasan Khan Mewati, opponent of 
Baber . . .12 

Indor, capital of the Khinzadahs 133 
Indo-Scythian Pillar bases at Pali- 

khera 47 

Inscriptions at Mathura . . 36 

— on colossal statue at 

Parkham • 41 

of Ajaya Pala at Ma- 

haban . . .46 
Indo-Scythian, at 

Mora . 48 

-on Buddhist figure at 

Anyor . 
--of Surasenasat Kiman 
-in Jh^lar^aoli at Bay- 
ana . . . 
-on Ukha Minir at 

Bay^na . 
-on Kazion-ki*Masjid, 

-at Bhitari-Bihari Mas- 
jid ... 
-on Minir of Bay&na 

Fort . 
-on Monolith of Bayana 

Fort . 
-on Taleti Darwiza 

-of Ibrahim Lodi in Ta- 

-of Islam Shah in Ta- 






-in Dubkund Temple . 102 

-in Parivali covered 

well . . .110 

-at Bahidurpur . .119 

•on Great Tomb at Al- 

-of Bahidur Nihar at 
Kotila . • . 





-at Palab, A.H. 734 
-at Gurgaon, S.729 
■on TombofFiroz Shah 152 
-of FirozShh at Shah- 
pur • .153 



Inscription of Sikandar Lodi at 

Delhi . . 156 

from Old Tomb at 

Okhala . . . .160 

Iron Pillar at Delhi . . .139 

Kabir-ud-din AuUya, Tomb of 
Kadwai, Temple at 
Kdman, or Kadambakana . 
Kesopura Mahalla of Mathura 
Khairpur, Masjid of Sikandar 

Lodi . . . • 
Khanwa, Battle-field of 
Kh5nz4dahs of Mewat 
Klisobora of Arrian, or Kesopura 
Kota, Buddhist remains at . 
Kotila Fort, Mewati capital 
Kotila, Tomb of Mubarak Shah 
Kutwil, old town ♦ . 

Lili Mewiti of Ajdngarh 
Lohban . * . 

Mah4ban, Sanskrit Inscription . 
Mahipalpur, Tomb of Sultan 

Gn6ri . . . 
Mahwan, mound of ruins 
Masjid at Begampur . 

■ Khairpur 
» Kotila, Mew Jit 
> Mahaban 

■ Sarhata, Mewit 
■ Sohna 

■ K4man 
. Ukha» at Bayina 

■ Kazipara 


— Sayidpura 

. Muftionki 

. Kazion-ki 

Bhitari-bahari „ 

Mathura, notes on 
Mevs, or Meos, of Mewat 
Minar, Ukha, at Bayiina 
— , inscribed in Bayiina 



-, Chor, at Delhi 

Monolith in Bay^na Fort 

Mora, Indo-Sythian Inscription at 





























Nikhumba Rajputs . 

Okhala, old Pathan Tomb 

Palah, Muhammadan Tomb 
Pali-khera, Buddhist Sculptures . 
Piiranag;ar, old city and temple . 
Par&vah, Hindu Temples . 
Parkham, ancient inscribed Sta- 
tue . • . . . 
P^roli, Hindu Temples 
Pay^mpuri, old name of Bayina 
Pillar, iron, at Delhi 

capital, Buddhist, at Chau- 

muha . . . . 

Rajgarh in Alwar 
Rijputana, Eastern, 
RC^pbis, inscribed Statues . 

Sarhata Masjid in Mewat . 
Sasi-badani Mini, and Darya 

Khin «... 
Sculptures, various at Mathura 

Buddhist, at KoU 

Shahpur, Small Masjid, inscribed 
Sikandra, Masjid, at Bayina 
Sohna Masjid . 
Statue, colossal Buddhist, at Par 

kham • • • . 
Statue of Herakles found at Ma 

thura .... 
Statue, Buddhist, at Tumaulu 
Sultin Ghari's Tomb 
S^irasena Rajputs 

Tahangarh, large old Fort 
Talao in Alwar, Temple 
Tejira in Mewat, ola Tombs 
Temple of Kesava Deva at Ma 
thura .... 

























Temple of Jain at Dubkund 

-at Parivati in Gwaiior . 

•at Paroli in Gwaiior . 

-at PArAnagar in Alwar 

-at Kadwai . 

-at Talao in Alwar . 

Tomb of Ala-ud-din Alam, Tejira 

— Kabir-ud-din Auliya 

— Firoz Shah . 
Mub&rak Sayid . 

- Abubakr Kandhari, Bay- 
4na , . . • 

- Bahadur, Nahar, Kotila 
« Jalal-ud-din Mewiti» In- 

dor . • • • 









Ukha Masjid at Bayina 
-Minar at » 


Vanas, or Forests, of Surasena 
Vijayamandargarh, BayAna 

Yaduvansi Rajputs . 

Rajas of BaySna 



Qoytnimeiit ol India Central Printing Offlce.-No. 16 H. D.-J3.4-8S.-«50. 








M A T H U R A . 






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Lliho|niph«d at th« Survey of India OtficM, Calcutta. January 1988 


M A T H U R A. 



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2. — KOTA. 
Base of Statue. 

8. — MAHWAN 


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statue of Buddha. 

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